o 


lippmcott'8 

Cabinet  Itotora  of  tlje  flairs, 


VERMONT 


THE 


HISTORY  OF  VERMONT, 


tn 


W.  H.  CARPENTER, 

««?" 

T.  S.  ARTHUR. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
CLAXTON,  SEMSEN  &  HAFFELFINGEIl, 

1872. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1853,  by 
T.  8.  ARTHUR  AND  W.  H.  CARPENTER, 

in  tb«  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of 
Pennsylvania. 


PUBLISHERS'  PREFACE. 


THERE  are  but  few  persona  in  thia  country  who 
have  not,  at  some  time  or  other,  felt  the  want  of  an 
accurate,  well  written,  concise,  yet  clear  and  reliable 
history  of  their  own  or  some  other  state. 

The  want  here  indicated  is  now  about  being  sup- 
plied ;  and,  as  the  task  of  doing  so  is  no  light  or 
superficial  one,  the  publishers  have  given  into  the 
hands  of  the  two  gentlemen  whose  names  appear  in 
the  title-page,  the  work  of  preparing  a  series  of  CABI- 
NET HISTORIES,  embracing  a  volume  for  each  state  in 
the  Union.  Of  their  ability  to  perform  this  well,  we 
need  not  speak.  They  are  no  strangers  in  the  literary 
world.  What  they  undertake  the  public  may  rest 
assured  will  be  performed  thoroughly;  and  that  no 
sectarian,  sectional,  or  party  feelings  will  bias  their 
judgment,  or  lead  them  to  violate  the  integrity  of 
history. 

The  importance  of  a  series  of  state  histories  like 
those  now  commenced,  can  scarcely  be  estimated. 
Being  condensed  as  carefully  as  accuracy  and  interest 
of  narrative  will  permit,  the  size  and  price  of  the 
volumes  will  bring  them  within  the  reach  of  every 
family  in  the  country,  thus  making  them  home-read- 
ing books  for  old  and  young.  Each  individual  will, 

*  6 

**  T  ^ 


6  PUBLISHERS'  PREFACE. 


in  consequence,  become  familiar,  not  only  with  the 
history  of  his  own  state,  but  with  that  of  other  states : 
— tbus  mutual  interest  will  be  re-awakened,  and  old 
bonds  cemented  in  a  firmer  union. 

In  this  series  of  CABINET  HISTORIES,  the  authors, 
while  presenting  a  concise  but  accurate  narrative  of 
the  domestic  policy  of  each  state,  will  give  greater 
prominence  to  the  personal  history  of  the  people. 
The  dangers  which  continually  hovered  around  the 
early  colonists;  the  stirring  romance  of  a  life  passed 
fearlessly  amid  peril  ;  the  incidents  of  border  war- 
fare; the  adventures  of  hardy  pioneers;  the  keen 
watchfulness,  the  subtle  surprise,  the  ruthless  attack, 
and  prompt  retaliation — all  these  having  had  an  im- 
portant influence  upon  the  formation  of  the  American 
character,  are  to  be  freely  recorded.  While  the  progres- 
sive development  of  the  citizens  of  each  individual  state 
from  the  rough  forest-life  of  the  earlier  day  to  the 
polished  condition  of  the  present,  will  exhibit  a  pic- 
ture of  national  expansion  as  instructing  as  it  is  inte- 
resting. 

The  size  and  style  of  the  series  will  be  uniform 
with  the  present  volume.  The  authors,  who  have 
been  for  some  time  collecting  and  arranging  materials, 
will  furnish  the  succeeding  volumes  as  rapidly  as  their 
careful  preparation  will  warrant. 


PREFACE. 


THE  present  History  of  Vermont  is  from  the  pen 
of  a  gentleman  whose  fine  literary  abilities  have  often 
been  favourably  acknowledged  by  the  public.  It  has 
been  written  expressly  for  this  Cabinet  series  of  State 
Histories,  and,  like  the  volumes  which  have  preceded 
it,  is  wholly  original. 

The  responsibility  of  perfect  accuracy  rests  upon 
those  whose  names  are  on  the  title  page  j  the  only  duty 
devolving  upon  them,  in  this  instance,  having  been 
that  of  careful  collation  with  the  original  authorities. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  L 

Samuel  Champlain — Indian  tribes  and  their  wars — Character 
of  French  colonization — Champlain's  alliance  with  the  Al- 
gonqnins — Hostility  of  the  Iroquois — French  missionaries 
— Lake  Champlain — First  permanent  settlement  in  Vermont 
— Crown  Point  erected  by  the  French — Opening  of  the 
New  Hampshire  grants — Increase  of  emigration — Steady 
progress  of  settlement Page  19 


CHAPTER  II. 

Boundary  line  between  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire 
established — New  Hampshire  required  to  support  Fort 
Dumrner — Township  grants  by  the  governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire— Bennington  founded — Claims  of  New  York — Num- 
ber of  grants  issued — Fees  for  the  same — Controversy  with 
New  York — Duke  of  York's  patent — Its  vagueness — Cad- 
wallader  Colden  of  New  York — His  proclamation — Counter- 
proclamation  from  New  Hampshire — Eastern  boundary  of 
New  York  defined  by  England — Jurisdiction  asserted  over 
Vermont — The  grants  from  New  Hampshire  declared  null 
and  void — Resistance  by  the  people — Their  appeal  to  the 
British  ministry — Royal  orders  to  New  York — Writs  of 
ejectment  obtained — Inability  to  execute  them  —  Land 

9 


10  CONTENTS. 

speculators — Hatred  of  them  in  Vermont — Ethan  Allen — 
His  character — The  Green  Mountain  Boys Page    25 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Green  Mountain  Tavern — Its  sign  —  Convention  at 
Bennington  —  Determination  of  the  settlers — Organized 
opposition  to  New  York — Committees  of  Safety  formed — 
Military  associations — Indictment  of  Allen,  Warner,  and 
others — Rewards  offered  for  their  apprehension — Attempt- 
ed arrest  of  Warner — Conciliatory  efforts  of  Governor  Tryon 
— Exception  of  the  ringleaders — Proclamations  and  counter- 
proclamations — Decree  of  the  Green  Mountain  convention 
— Green  Mountain  law — The  Beach  Seal — Action  of  the 
New  York  Assembly — General  convention  west  of  the 
Green  Mountains — Resolutions  adopted  —  Sanguinary 
laws  of  New  York  —  Response  of  the  Mountaineers — 
Colonel  Skeen's  mission  to  England — Approach  of  the 
Revolution 36 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  tenure  of  the  royal  judges  in  the  colonies — Governor 
Hutchinson  and  the  Massachusetts  legislature — Petition 
for  the  removal  of  Chief  Justice  Oliver — His  impeachment 
— Oliver  sustained  by  Hutchinson — Appointment  of  coun- 
sellors by  the  crown — The  opening  of  the  Massachusetts 
courts  of  law  obstructed  by  the  people — Sympathy  of  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys — Possession  taken  of  Westminster 
court-house — Its  surrender  demanded  by  the  sheriff  of 
New  York — The  building  fired  into — Subsequent  disposal 
of  the  prisoners — Westminster  convention  renounce  the 
government  of  New  York — Colonial  disputes  with  Great 
Britain — Battle  of  Lexington — Population  of  Vermont — 
War  of  the  Revolution....  .  48 


CONTENTS.  11 


CHAPTEE  V. 

Benedict  Arnold — The  surprise  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticon- 
deroga  recommended — Arnold  commissioned  and  author- 
ized to  attempt  it — A  detachment  of  volunteers  organized 
in  Connei  ticut  for  the  same  purpose — Form  a  junction 
with  Ethan  Allen  and  a  party  of  the  Green  Mountain 
Boys — Meeting  with  Arnold — Appointed  second  in  com- 
mand— Disputes  between  Arnold  and  Allen— Capture  of 
Ticonderoga — Of  Crown  Point — Of  Skeensboro — St.  John's 
surprised  by  Arnold — Approach  of  the  British — Congress 
provides  for  the  restitution  of  the  captured  property 
— Massachusetts  and  the  Continental  Congress — Surrender 
of  authority  to  the  latter — George  Washington  appointed 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  colonial  forces — Powers  as- 
sumed by  Congress — Petitions  and  addresses  to  Great 
Britain — Judicious  conduct  of  the  English  Parliament  in 
respect  to  Canada — Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  efficiently 
garrisoned Pag*  57 


CHAPTER  VL 

Colonel  Allen— Volunteer  officers — Their  difficulties  wilk 
respect  to  rank  in  the  continental  army — Arnold  supersed- 
ed in  command  at  Ticonderoga — Returns  to  Massachusetts 
— Attempt  upon  Canada — Defenceless  condition  of  that 
province — Regiment  of  Green  Mountnin  Boys  raised  by 
Colonel  Warner — Schuyler  and  Montgomery  appointed  to 
command  the  invading  army — Supinene.-s  of  the  Canadians 
— Activity  of  General  Carleton — Advam-e  of  Schuyler  and 
Montgomery — Abortive  attempt  on  Montreal — Ethan  Allen 
captured  and  cent  to  England — Incidents  of  his  captivity 
—Taking  of  Chanibly  by  the  Americans — Repulse  ef 
Carleton  at  Longue-isle  by  Colonel  Warner — Surrender 
of  St.  Joba1*  tc  Montgomery — Surrender  of  Montreal — 


12  CONTENTS. 


Narrow  escape  of  Carleton — March  of  Arnold  through 
the  wilderness  to  Quebec — He  forma  a  junction  with  Mont- 
gomery— Attempt  on  Quebec  and  death  of  Montgomery — 
Gallantry  and  hardihood  of  Arnold. Po-g'  68 


CHAPTER  VIL 

The  people  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants  apply  to  Congress 
for  advice  —  Their  anomalous  position  —  Convention  at 
Dorset  and  petition  to  Congress — The  memorial  withdrawn 
— Resumption  of  operations  in  Canada — Difficulties  of 
Arnold  with  the  Canadians — Breaking  out  in  camp  of  the 
small-pox — Arnold  takes  command  at  Montreal,  and  13 
succeeded  by  General  Thomas  before  Quebec — Arrival  of 
relief  to  Quebec — Retreat  of  the  Americans  to  Sorel — 
Death  of  General  Thomas — Unfortunate  attempt  to  sur- 
prise Three  Rivers — Retreat  to  St.  John's — To  Isle-aux- 
Noix — To  Ticonderoga — General  Sullivan  is  superseded  by 
General  Gates — Organization  of  a  naval  force — Difficulties 
with  which  it  was  attended — British  preparations — Gene- 
ral Arnold  appointed  to  command  the  American  flotilla — 
Engagement  on  the  llth  of  October — Great  superiority  of 
the  British  force — Renewed  engagement  on  the  13th — 
Gallant  conduct  of  Arnold — Summary  of  results — Sir  Guy 
Carleton  menaces  Ticonderoga,  but  returns  to  winter 
quarters  without  an  attack 87 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

Declaration  of  Independence  by  Congress — Its  effects — 
Anecdote  of  Colonel  Skeene — Renewal  of  the  difficulty 
with  New  York — Action  of  the  New  York  convention — 
Counter-action  in  Vermont, — Convention  at  Dorset — Reso- 
lutions to  support  the  common'  cause — Preparations  for  a 
state  government — Convention  at  Westminster — Vermont 
declaration  of  independence,  and  memorial  to  Congress — 


CONTENTS.  13 


Counter  memorial  from  New  York — Second  New  York 
memorial — Letter  of  Thomas  Young  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Vermont — Third  New  York  memorial — Kejection  by  Con- 
gress of  the  petition  of  Vermont — Meeting  in  Vermont  to 
adopt  a  constitution — Action  upon  the  instrument  reported 
— Abandonment  of  Ticonderoga  by  the  American  force  and 
consequent  alarm Page  103 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Jealousies  and  disputes  among  the  continental  officers — 
Dislike  of  Schnyler  by  the  New  England  troops — Schuyler 
tenders  his  resignation — Inquiry  into  his  conduct — Honour- 
able testimonial — Ordered  to  take  command  of  the  north- 
ern army — Carleton  superseded  by  Burgoyne — Activity 
of  Burgoyne — War  feast  with  the  Iroquois- — Humane  at- 
tempt of  Burgoyne  to  restrain  the  barbarities  of  his  In- 
dian allies — Its  futility — Manifesto  to  the  Americans — 
Advance  on  Ticonderoga — Retreat  of  St.  Clair — Death  of 
Colonel  Francis — Greenleafs  journal — Colonel  Francis's 
watch  restored  to  his  mother — Concentration  of  American 
forces  at  Fort  Edward — Burgoyne's  halt  at  Skeensboro — 
Murder  of  Jane  McCrea — The  modern  narrative — The 
popular  version — Letter  of  Gates  to  Burgoyne — The  reply 
of  the  latter ..  11? 


CHAPTER  X. 

Action  of  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire  upon  the  fall  of 
Ticonderoga — Orders  of  General  Stark — Resolves  in  Con- 
press — Schuyler's  judicious  measures — General  Burgoyne's 
second  proclamation — Vain  appeal  of  Major  Skeene — 
General  Stark's  insubordination — Resolution  of  censure 
in  Congress — British  attempt  to  secure  the  stores  at  Ben- 
niugton  —  Battle  of  Bennington  —  Attack  on  Colonel 
2 


14  CONTENTS. 


Banm's  entrenchments — Complete  success  of  General 
Stark — Renewal  of  the  engagement  by  Colonels  Warner 
and  Breyman — Defeat  of  the  latter — Important  effects 
upon  tne  American  cause — Extract  from  Burgoyne's  in- 
structions to  Colonel  Baume — General  Burgoyne's  opinion 
of  the  people  of  the  Now  Hampshire  grants — Appoint- 
ment of  Gates  to  supersede  Schuyler — Gener.-il  Gates 
arrives  at  Stillwater — Battle  of  Stillwater,  or  Behmu's 
Heights — Victory  claimed  by  both  parties,  but  the  real 
advantage  with  the  Americans — Battle  of  the  7th  October 
— General  Burgoyne  retreats  to  Saratoga — Capitulation  of 
JJurgoyne Pay*  133 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Delay  in  (he  organization  of  the  Vermont  state  government 
— Reassembling  of  the  convention — Recognition  by  New 
Hampshire  —  First  election  of  assemblymen— Continued 
opposition  of  .New  York  —  Proclamation  of  Governor 
Clinton — Steady  course  of  Vermont — Answer  of  Ethan 
Allen  to  Governor  Clinton — Constitution  of  Vermont— 
Its  original  features— Modifications — Simple  forms  of  le- 
gislation— Governor  Chitteaden — Anecdote  of  the  Land- 
lord Governor — Biographical  notice — Summary  of  hi* 
character — First  meeting  of  the  Vermont  legislature — 
Embarrassing  proposals  from  sixteen  towns  in  New  Hamp- 
«hire — Adjournment  of  the  legislators  to  consult  their 
constituents — The  sixteen  towns  received  into  union — 
Remonstrance  of  New  Hampshire — Appeals  to  Congress 
— Colonel  Ethan  Allen  visits  Philadelphia  to  consult  with 
the  members  —  New  York  difficulty — Vermont  hesitates 
to  perfect  the  union — Secession  of  a  portion  of  her 
legislators — They  convene  to  form  a  new  state — Vermont 
cuts  off  the  sixteen  towns — New  Hampshire  and  New 
York  each  claim  the  whol*  of  her  territory — Interference 
of  Massachusetts l;>0 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIL 

Trouble  with  the  adherents  of  New  York  in  Vermont — 
Contrast  between  the  New  York  and  Vermont  claimants 
— Principles  involved  in  the  dispute — Vermont  Congre- 
gationalists  —  Wallumschaick  —  Tenure  of  Rev.  Godfrey 
Dellius — Convention  of  "Yorkers"  at  Brattleboro — Pe- 
tition to  the  governor  of  New  York — Military  organization 
— The  New  York  officers  captured  by  Ethan  Allen — Ap- 
peals to  Congress — Commissioners  appointed  by  Congress 
— New  York  and  New  Hampshire  authorize  Congress  to 
adjudicate  between  them — Massachusetts  declines — Ver- 
mont makes  an  appeal  to  the  world — Extracts  from  that 
document — Congress  censures  Vermont  by  resolution  — 
Governor  Chittenden's  reply — Sagacity  of  Vermont  states- 
men— Agents  from  Vermont  sent  to  observe  the  proceedings 
of  Congress — Their  withdrawal  and  protest — Indefinite 
postponement  of  the  matter  by  Congress — Indian  forays — 
False  alarm Page  169 


CHAPTER  X1H. 

Vermont  assumes  the  aggressive — Convention  of  New  Hamp- 
shire towns — Second  union  with  Vermont — Union  of  New 
York  towns  with  Vermont — Causes  which  led  to  this 
state  of  things — British  overtures  to  Ethan  Allen — Cessa- 
tion of  hostilities  to  exchange  prisoners — Commissioners 
appointed  to  arrange  the  terms — Other  business  before  the 
commissioners — Ethan  Allen  encloses  the  British  letters 
to  Congress — Extracts  from  his  letter  to  that  body — Re- 
newal of  the  negotiations  for  "  exchange  of  prisoners" — 
Colonel  Ira  Allen's  three  weeks  in  Canada — Interesting 
documents — British  instructions — Green  Mountain  diplo- 


16  CONTENTS. 

rnacy — Ira  Allen's  commission — His  report  to  the  Vermont 
assembly — Secret  correspondence — Lord  Germain's  letter 
to  Clinton — Impatience  of  the  British  agents — The  consti- 
tution of  the  new  royal  province  agreed  upon  by  Colonel 
Allen  and  Major  Fay — The  British  demand  the  new  go- 
vernment of  Vermont  should  be  proclaimed — Colonel  Allen 
assents  on  condition  of  some  further  delay — The  British 
appear  on  Lake  Champlain  provided  with  proclamations 
— They  send  an  apology  for  killing  an  American  soldier 
— Suspense  and  curiosity  of  the  American  soldiers  and 
citizens — Commotion  in  Governor  Chittenden's  office — A 
dilemma — Skilful  escape — Surrender  of  Cornwallis — Re- 
tirement of  the  British  into  Canada Page  186 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Action  of  Congress  in  relation  to  Vermont — Conditions 
proposed  preliminary  to  her  admission  into  the  Union 
— Protest  of  Vermont  against  the  action  of  Congress, 
and  refusal  of  Vermont  to  comply — Message  of  General 
Washington  to  Governor  Chittenden — The  governor's  re- 
ply— Threatened  disturbances — Letter  of  General  Wash- 
ington to  Governor  Chittenden — Vermont  recedes  from 
her  refusal — Congress  fails  to  perform  its  conditional  pro- 
mise— Protest  of  the  agents  of  Vermont — Indignation 
in  Vermont  at  the  evasive  course  of  Congress — British 
overtures  still  continued — Remarks  of  Dr.  Williams  upon 
the  Canadian  correspondence — Disturbances  in  Windham 
county — Appeals  to  Congress  —  Resolutions  of  censure 
passed  by  that  body — Vermont  menaced  by  Congress — 
Spirited  remonstrance  of  Vermont — Disturbances  in  Guil- 
ford  —  Martial  law —  Ethan  Allen's  proclamation — The 
"  Yorkers",  driven  out — Death  of  Colonel  Seth  Warner — 
Remarks  upon  his  life  and  character 206 


CONTENTS.  17 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Condition  of  Vermont  in  1783 — Continued  prosperity — Fe- 
deral constitution,  1788 — Adjustment  of  the  difficulty 
with  New  York,  1790— The  close  of  the  Continental 
Congress — The  new  Congress  and  its  services — Prosper- 
ous condition  of  the  country — Population  of  Vermont  at 
different  periods — Death  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen — Re- 
marks upon  his  character — Observations  of  Colonel  Gray- 
don  respecting  him  —  His  personal  appearance  —  His 
etyle  of  conversation — General  Washington's  opinion  of 
him — Colonel  Allen  aa  a  man  of  honour — His  rebuke  to 
the  lawyer Pay*  222 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Vermont  from  1791  to  1814 — Reservation  of  lands  for  reli- 
gious and  educational  purposes — Foundation  of  Vermont 
school  fund — University  of  Vermont — Donation  from  the 
state — Endowment  by  individual  subscription — Liberality 
of  Ira  Allen — College  buildings  and  library — Middlebury 
and  Norwich  colleges — Medical  schools — Academies  and 
common  schools — Care  of  the  early  settlers  for  the  educa- 
tion of  their  children — Its  practical  direction — Remarks 
of  Dr.  Williams — Ira  Allen — Notices  of  his  life — His  His- 
tory of  Vermont —  Governor  Chittenden's  quiet  policy — 
Election  of  Governor  Tichenor — Introduction  of  guberna- 
torial messages  and  replies  by  the  legislature — Decided 
Federal  majority — The  Democrats  elect  their  governor  in 
1807 — Tichenor  re-elected  in  1808 — The  Democrats  again 
successful  in  1809 — Their  candidate  re-elected  for  five 
years — Party  excitement  increases — Declaration  of  war 
with  Great  Britain — Strong  measures  of  the  Democratic 
majority — Political  revolution — Displacement  of  the  Demo- 
crats—Election of  Martin  Chittenden— Repeal  of  th« 
2* 


X 

18  CONTENTS. 


Democratic  war  measures — Capitulation  of  Hull — Destruc- 
tion of  stores  at  Plattsburg — Abortive  attempt  to  invade 
Canada — Governor  Chittenden  recalls  the  Vermont  militia 
— Battle  of  Lake  Erie — Chippewa  and  and  Lundy's  Lane 
— Battle  of  Plattsburg — Defeat  and  death  of  Captain 
Downie,  and  retreat  of  Sir  George  Prevost Page  234 


CHAPTER 

Re-election  of  Governor  Chittenden — His  annual  address — 
Vermont  refuses  to  send  delegates  to  the  Hartford  Con- 
vention— The  victors  of  Plattsburg  complimented  for 
their  services — Grant  of  land  to  McDonough — Treaty  of 
Ghent — Review  of  the  war — Honesty  of  the  war  and  peace 
parties — Statistics  of  Vermont — Population,  agriculture, 
manufactures — Cotton,  wool,  and  iron — The  lumber  busi- 
ness— Miscellaneous  statistics — Inland  navigation — Rail- 
roads— Banks — Benevolent  institutions — State  income  and 
expenditure — Religious  denominations — Closing  remarks.  251 


HISTORY  OF  VERMONT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Samuel  Champlain — Indian  tribes  and  their  wars — Character 
of  French  colonization — Champlain'a  alliance  with  the  Al- 
gonquins — Hostility  of  the  Iroquois — French  missionaries — 
Lake  Champlairt — First  permanent  settlement  in  Vermont — 
Crown  Point  erected  by  the  French — Opening  of  the  New 
Hampshire  grants — Increase  of  emigration — Steady  progress 
of  settlement. 

THE  long  and  irregular  lake  which  forms  the 
western  boundary  of  the  State  of  Vermont, 
bears  the  name  of  the  European  who  earliest 
explored  any  portion  of  its  territory,  Samuel 
Champlain,  the  first  successful  founder  of  French 
settlements  in  North  America.  He  was  for 
many  years  the  governor  of  New  France,  as  the 
French  Canadian  possessions  were  called ;  and 
he  has  left  behind  him  a  monument  which  has 
survived  the  last  trace  of  French  dominion  on 
this  continent.  He  published  a  curious  work 
entitled  "Voyages  and  Travels  in  New  France," 
or  Canada.  It  possessed  sufficient  interest  to 
call  for  a  modern  reprint ;  and  in  1838,  more 
than  two  hundred  years  from  its  first  appearance, 
was  republished  in  Paris. 

19 


20  HISTOKY   OF   VERMONT.  [1608. 

Champlain's  observations  on  the  aborigines 
were  so  exact  that  his  successors  have  in  few- 
cases  found  reason  to  depart  from  his  conclu- 
sions. Perhaps  we1  should  except  such  writers 
as  invest  the  American  Indian  with  imaginary 
traits  of  impossible  heroism,  and  with  savage 
virtues  of  a  higher  than  the  civilized  standard. 
He  records  a  very  minute  account  of  their 
shocking  barbarities  to  their  prisoners,  of  which 
he  was,  most  probably,  the  first  European  wit- 
ness. And  he  gives  us  relations,  of  their  gar- 
rulity and  nimble-tongued  vituperations  and  re- 
joinders, which  contrast  very  strongly  with  the 
dramatic  Indian,  reserved  and  dignified.  He 
describes  hostile  Indian  nations  making  ready 
for  a  fight  at  dawn  by  dancing  in  hearing  of 
each  other,  and  preparing  themselves  for  the 
encounter  by  a  whole  night  of  mutual  reviling ; 
and  when,  by  the  aid  of  European  strategy,  he 
had  enabled  an  Indian  besieging  force  to  take  a 
position  commanding  the  enemy's  entrenchment, 
the  martial  Frenchman  was  astonished  to  find 
the  siege  delayed  while  the  combatants  hurled 
curses  at  each  other. 

From  various  causes  the  French  coalesced 
with  the  Indians  better  than  any  other  cplonists 
have  done.  There  was  less  repugnance  of  race 
and  caste  between  them.  And  the  wisdom  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  were  effective  leaders  in  all 
French  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  procured  a 


1608.]  FRENCH    COLONIZATION.  21 

clause  in  the  charters  which  performed  wonders 
for  French  enterprise.  Every  convert,  upon 
baptism,  became  ipso  facto  a  French  subject. 
He  was  entitled  to  equal  privileges  with  the 
colonists.  He  was  identified  with  their  success, 
and  bound  to  them  by  much  stronger  ties  than 
the  subsidies  of  the  English  could  ever  purchase. 
Whatever  may  be  charged  against  the  Jesuits, 
their  heroism  and  self-denial  cannot  be  gain- 
said; and,  without  entering  into  a  discussion 
of  the  matter  of  their  teaching  as  compared 
with  that  of  the  Protestant  missionaries,  they 
certainly  made  firmer  temporal  allies  of  their 
Indian  converts. 

With  all  his  sagacity,  Champlain's  love  of  ad- 
venture led  him  into  a  capital  error ;  a  mistake 
which  did  not  cease  to  operate  until  the  French 
were  entirely  dispossessed  of  Canada.  He  sought 
a  north-west  passage  to  Cathay — a  problem 
which,  even  unto  the  present  day,  promotes  in- 
cidental benefits  to  commerce  and  geographical 
knowledge,  without  any  approach  to  its  own 
solution.  The  error  to  which  we  refer,  was  that 
of  espousing  the  quarrel  of  one  Indian  tribe  or 
family  of  tribes  against  another.  The  Indians 
who  held  the  lands  on  the  Atlantic  were  the 
Algonquins.  From  Lake  Champlain,  as  far  west 
as  Huron,  the  warlike  Iroquois,  sometimes  called 
the  Six  Nations,  were  in  possession.  Cham- 
plain,  on  condition  of  being  guided  through  the 


22  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1609. 

territories  of  these  fierce  tribes,  readily  un- 
dertook to  aid  the  Algonquins  in  their  wars 
against  them.  His  visit  to  Lake  Champlaiu  and 
Lake  George,  which  took  place  in  1609,  was 
made  under  such  unlucky  auspices ;  and  the 
first  knowledge  which  the  Iroquois  had  of  the 
French  was  as  the  allfes  of  their  hereditary  ene- 
mies. Three  Frenchmen  only  appear  to  have 
been  present,  but  their  arquebuses  decided  the 
day  in  favour  of  the  Algonquins ;  and  this  com- 
mencement entailed  persecution  and  death  upon 
many  an  unfortunate  missionary,  and  provoked 
the  Iroquois  to  adhesion  to  the  Dutch  and  Eng- 
lish in  New  York. 

Vermont  was  not  in  the  path  to  Cathay,  and 
the  French  seem  to  have  paid  little  heed  to  the 
territory  of  the  future  fourteenth  state  in  the 
American  confederacy.  The  French  missionaries 
and  explorers  were  confined  to  the  north  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  north  and  west  of  the  Lakes 
Erie  and  Ontario.  They  were  in  friendly  re- 
lations with  the  Indians  near  Lake  Superior, 
while  they  could  not  venture  upon  the  Ontario 
or  Erie ;  and  their  unceasing  wars  with  the  Mo- 
hawks forced  their  missionaries  to  run  the  gaunt- 
let through  fierce  tribes  before  they  could  reach 
their  stations  near  Lake  Huron.  Those  Mohawks 
were  Iroquois,  the  tribe  whose  first  acquaintance 
with  the  French  we  have  mentioned  as  derived 


1724.]  FIRST   SETTLEMENT.  23 

from  their  fire-arms,  which  scattered  death  in  a 
new  and  wonderful  manner. 

Lake  Champlain  divided  the  country  of  the 
Iroquois  and  the  Algonquins.  Its  waters,  as 
they  h/id  been  before  Champlain  saw  them,  still 
remained  the  highway  of  war  parties  for  nearly 
two  hundred  years.  Vermont  west  of  the 
mountains  was  uninhabitable.  Even  the  savages 
avoided  it  for  any  purpose  of  permanent  resi- 
dence ;  and  it  merited  the  name  which  has  been 
given  to  another  portion  of  our  continent,  "  The 
Dark  and  Bloody  Ground."  English  and  French 
expeditions  followed  the  old  war-paths,  guided 
by  savage  allies;  and  the  Hudson  River  and 
Lakes  George  and  Champlain  seemed  practically 
useful  only  as  military  avenues.  In  1760,  when 
the  French  lost  Canada,  this  state  of  things 
ceased ;  but  Lake  Champlain  was  again  the 
scene  of  hostilities  during  the  revolutionary  pe- 
riod, and  during  the  second  war  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain. 

It  does  not  come  within  our  scope  to  give  the 
details  of  the  murderous  Indian  conflicts  of 
which  the  territory  of  Vermont  was  the  theatre 
before  its  settlement.  Many  of  these  events 
belong  to  the  history  of  another  state,  and  are 
there  treated.  The  first  permanent  settlement 
in  Vermont  was  made  in  1724,  in  ita  south- 
eastern corner,  on  the  land  now  embraced  within 
the  town  of  Brattleborough.  This  post  waa 


24  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1760. 

called  Fort  Dummer,  and  was  supposed  to  be 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts.  The 
French,  in  1731,  made  a  settlement  on  Lake 
Champlain,  within  the  limits  of  the  present 
town  of  Addison.  They  also  established  on  th.e 
opposite  or  New  York  shore,  a  fortress  which 
they  called  St.  Frederick,  but  which  was  after- 
ward known  as  Crown  Point.  In  1759,  Crown 
Point  and  the  settlements  on  the  Vermont  side 
were  abandoned  by  the  French,  who  retreated 
to  Canada  before  the  victorious  arms  of  Lord 
Amherst.  No  European  settlements  now  re- 
mained in  Vermont,  except  a  few  in  the  south- 
east corner,  which  had  been  undertaken  under 
the  protection  of  New  Hampshire.  The  land 
still  remained  in  its  primeval  wilderness.  But' 
a  military  road  from  Charlestown,  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, to  Crown  Point,  crossing  the  territory  of 
the  present  State  of  Vermont,  had  apprized  the 
public  of  the  character  and  value  of  the  land ;  and 
when  the  French  war  was  ended,  in  1760,  there 
were  abundance  of  applicants  for  tracts.  Ver- 
mont, so  long  closed  to  emigrants,  now  became 
a  land  of  promise,  and  population  flowed  toward 
it  with  what  was  then  considered  great  rapidity. 
The  spirit  of  the  hostile  Indians  had  been  sub- 
dued by  several  exemplary  inflictions,  the  ferocity 
of  which  can  only  be  excused  by  the  exasperation 
which  the  borderers  felt  against  a  ruthless  foe,  with 
whom  no  argument  except  force  seemed  to  avail 


1760.]  BOUNDARY   LINE.  2f> 


CHAPTER  II. 

Boundary  line  between  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire 
established — New  Hampshire  required  to  support  Fort  Dum- 
mer — Township  grants  by  the  governor  of  New  Hampshire 
• — Bennington  founded — Claims  of  New  York — Number  ot 
grants  issued — Fees  for  the  same — Controversy  with  New 
York — Duke  of  York's  patent — Its  vagueness — Cadwallader 
Golden  of  New  York — His  proclamation — Counter-procla- 
mation from  New  Hampshire — Eastern  boundary  of  New 
York  defined  by  England — Jurisdiction  asserted  over  Ver- 
mont— The  grants  from  New  Hampshire  declared  null  awl 
Toid — Resistance  by  the  people — Their  appeal  to  the  British 
ministry — Royal  orders  to  New  York — Writs  of  ejectment 
obtained — Inability  to  execute  them — Land  speculators — 
Hatred  of  them  in  Vermont — Ethan  Allen — His  character 
— The  Green  Mountain  Boys. 

THE  impediments  to  the  success  of  the  infant 
state  did  not  cease  with  the  close  of  Indian 
hostilities.  In  the  year  1740,  to  put  a  period 
to  the  controversy  between  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire  respecting  the  boundary  be- 
tween them,  the  British  government  established 
a  line  parallel  with  the  Merrimack  River,  at 
three  miles  distance,  from  the  Atlantic  to  Paw- 
tucket  Falls,  and  thence  due  west  to  the  bound- 
ary of  New  York.  This  line,  while  it  settled 
the  controversy  between  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire,  opened  another  dispute,  which 
lasted  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Fort  Dum- 
3 


26  HISTORY    OF    VERMONT.  [1760. 

mer,  and  the  few  settlements  west  of  the  Con- 
necticut were  found  by  this  line  not  to  be  in 
Massachusetts.  The  King  of  Great  Britain  re- 
peatedly called  upon  the  New  Hampshire  legis- 
lature to  make  provision  for  the  support  of  Fort 
Duminer.  The  presumption  grew  up  that  the 
jurisdiction  of  New  Hampshire  extended  west  as 
far  as  that  of  Massachusetts  ;  that  is  to  say,  to 
a  line  twenty  miles  east  from  Hudson  River. 

In  1749,  Benning  Wentworth,  Governor  of 
New  Hampshire,  made  a  grant  of  a  township 
six  miles  square,  situated,  as  he  conceived,  on 
the  western  borders  of  New  Hampshire,  being 
twenty  miles  east  of  the  Hudson  River,  and  six 
miles  north  of  the  Massachusetts  line.  This 
township  he  called  Bennington.  He  granted 
also  fifteen  other  townships;  but  the  breaking 
out  of  hostilities  between  England  and  France 
put  a  stop  to  applications.  A  correspondence 
had  meanwhile  arisen  between  the  governors  of 
New  Hampshire  and  New  York,  in  which  the 
latter,  under  an  old  grant  from  Charles  II;  to  the 
Duke  of  York,  claimed  all  the  land  west  of  the 
Connecticut  River.  As,  however,  this  grant 
would  have  covered  the  lands  in  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut  west  of  the  river,  and  no  claim 
had  been  established  against  those  provinces,  the 
governor  of  New  Hampshire  paid  no  heed  to 
the  pretensions  of  New  York. 

After  the  close  of  the  French  war,  in   1760, 


1760.]       DUKE  OF  YORK'S  CHARTER.  27 

the  governor  of  New  Hampshire  resumed  the 
granting  of  townships,  and  in  the  course  of  two 
or  three  years  issued  grants  to  the  number  of 
one  hundred  and  ninety-eight.  The  fees  on 
each  were  about  one  hundred  dollars.  In  each 
township  he  reserved  five  hundred  acres  for  him- 
self, and  in  this  mode  he  accumulated  a  large 
fortune.  These  perquisites  were  emoluments 
which  New  York  was  determined  not  tamely  to 
relinquish,  and  a  war  of  proclamations  forthwith 
commenced.  Although  for  convenience  we  have 
used  the  name  Vermont,  and  shall  continue  to 
do  so,  the  name  was  not  as  yet  applied  to  the 
territory.  The  people  styled  themselves  the  in- 
habitants of  the  "  New  Hampshire  Grants." 

Whatever  might  be  said  of  the  claims  of  New 
Hampshire  to  jurisdiction,  that  of  New  York 
was  vague  and  indefensible.  In  the  first  place, 
the  grunt  to  the  Duke  of  York  was  very  indefi- 
nite, as  were  most  of  the  parcellings  out  of  this 
continent  by  European  powers.  It  gave  the 
Duke  of  York  "  all  the  lands  from  the  west  side 
of  the  Connecticut  River  to  the  east  side  of  the 
Delaware  Bay,"  a  boundary,  the  vagueness  of 
which  we  need  not  enlarge  upon.  But  what- 
ever title  it  might  have  conferred  upon  the  Duke 
of  York  was  merged  in  the  crown  upon  James's 
accession,  and  descended  to  William  upon 
James's  abdication  ;  so  that  the  authority  of  the 
royal  governor  of  New  Hampshire  was  q[uite  as 


28  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1763. 

good  under  this  very  grant  as  that  of  New  York. 
It  established  no  colony  and  authorized  no  go- 
vernment ;  and  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecti- 
cut charters  were  given  without  regard  to  the 
previous  royal  disposal  of  "  all  the  lands"  west 
of  the  Connecticut. 

Nevertheless  the  perquisites  which  accrued 
from  land  grants  could  not  be  willingly  given  up 
by  New  York  ;  and  in  1763,  Cadwallader  Golden, 
acting  governor  of  that  province,  issued  his 
proclamation  reciting  the  obsolete  grant  to  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  claiming  jurisdiction  as  far 
as  the  Connecticut  River.  He  also  commanded 
the  sheriff  of  Albany  to  make  returns  of  the 
names  of  all  persons  who  had  taken  up  lands 
under  grants  from  New  Hampshire.  In  reply, 
the  governor  of  New  Hampshire  issued  his  pro- 
clamation, denying  the  validity  of  the  old 
grant  under  which  New  York  claimed,  and  as- 
serting the  western  limits  of  New  Hampshire 
to  be  a  continuation  northerly  of  the  west- 
ern line  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts. 
He  told  the  settlers  that  their  claims  to  their 
lands  under  the  New  Hampshire  grants  would 
be  unaffected,  even  though  they  should  come 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  New  York.  He  ex- 
horted the  people  to  be  industrious  and  dili- 
gent, and  to  proceed  without  intimidation  to 
cultivate  their  territory ;  and  he  commanded 
the  civil  officers  to  exercise  jurisdiction  as  far  as 


1764.]  DECREE   OF   THE   CROWN.  29 

the  grants  extended.  The  ground  taken  by  the 
governor  of  New  Hampshire  in  this  proclama- 
tion, in  regard  to  land  titles,  was  not  only 
plausible  but  equitable.  It  could  not  be  supposed 
that  a  dispute  about  jurisdiction  between  two 
royal  governors  could  vitiate  the  grants  which 
either  had  made,  as  a  representative  of  the 
crown.  The  minds  of  the  people  were  quieted, 
and  no  fears  for  the  future  were  entertained. 

The  New  York  authorities,  convinced  perhaps 
of  the  untenable  nature  of  their  claims,  or  wil- 
ling to  put  them  on  a  clearer  basis,  even  while  they 
were  defending  the  obsolete  grant  to  the  Duke 
of  York,  were  operating  in  England  to  ^obtain 
a  less  questionable  title.  They  procured  in  1764 
a  decision  by  the  British  crown  that  the  Con- 
necticut River,  from  the  Massachusetts  line  to 
the  forty-fifth  degree  of  north  latitude,  should  be 
the  eastern  boundary  of  New  York.  The  ap- 
plication for  this  decree  based  the  request  on 
the  "convenience  and  advantage  of  the  people  ;" 
and  it  was  more  than  suspected  that  it  was  sup- 
ported by  a  fraudulent  use  of  the  names  of  the 
settlers,  who  were  those  most  interested. 

The  decree,  or  the  mode  in  which  it  was  ob- 
tained, was  not  at  first  subjected  to  any  rigid  ex- 
amination, or  made  the  subject  of  any  complaint. 
The  people  were  rather  pleased  than  otherwise 
that  the  troublesome  question  of  jurisdiction  was 
determined ;  and  imagined  that  their  titles 
3* 


30  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1764. 

would  be  confirmed  by  it,  rather  than  impaired. 
They  supposed  the  decree  would  have  an  en- 
tirely prospective  action;  and  were  alarmed  and 
astonished  when  the  New  York  authorities  gave 
it  a  retrospective  interpretation,  and  claimed 
that  it  vitiated  the  grants  from  New  Hampshire. 
The  government  of  New  York  proceeded  under 
this  interpretation  to  declare  the  titles  given 
by  New  Hampshire  null  and  void,  and  to 
require  the  settlers  to  take  out  new  grants 
from  New  York,  and  to  surrender  their  New 
Hampshire  charters.  Aside  from  the  injustice 
in  principle  of  this  demand,  it  was  accompa- 
nied with  onerous  pecuniary  conditions ;  for, 
whereas,  the  modest  province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire had  been  content  with  fees  amounting  to 
only  one  hundred  dollars  on  each  township,  New 
York  claimed  from  two  thousand  to  twenty-six 
hundred.  The  New  Hampshire  grants  were  divid- 
ed into  four  new  counties,  and  courts  were  held 
in  them  under  the  neAV  jurisdiction.  Some  few 
of  the  towns  complied  with  the  hard  terms,  and 
bought  their  lands  over  again.  But  the  greater 
number  of  townships  refused  to  submit  to  what 
they  justly  deemed  a  gross  and  cruel  imposition. 
Where  the  people  refused  to  submit,  fresh  grants 
were  made  of  their  lands,  and  suits  were  com- 
menced in  the  names  of  the  new  grantees,  for 
the  ejectment  of  the  original  holders.  There  was 
no  difficulty  in  obtaining  judgments  aguinst  the 


1767.]          ROYAL  ORDERS.  31 

settlers,  but  there  was  no  possibility  of  enforcing 
them.  The  people  banded  together  for  mutual 
support;  and  the  officers  met  with  such  rough 
treatment  that  few  dared,  at  length,  to  present 
themselves  for  the  performance  of  a  duty  so 
odious.  The  people  were  left  without  redress  in 
the  ordinary  forms  of  law;  and  even  the  go- 
vernor of  New  Hampshire  felt  compelled,  though 
unwillingly,  to  issue  his  proclamation  recom- 
mending the  settlers  on  the  grants  to  yield  due 
obedience  to  the  laws  and  authority  of  New  York. 
The  settlers  associated  themselves  together; 
and  held  frequent  conventions  to  devise  means 
of  resisting  the  wrongs  which  were  attempted 
against  them.  As  the  governor  of  New  York 
had  appealed  to  the  British  government,  the 
"Green  Mountain  Boys,"  as  they  now  began 
to  be  called,  determined  to  make  an  effort  to 
be  heard  there  also,  nothing  doubting  that  a 
true  representation  of  their  case  would  be  fol- 
lowed by  measures  for  their  relief.  The  result 
justified  their  expectations,  so  far  as  the  will 
of  the  British  crown  was  concerned.  The  Lords 
of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Plantations  having 
investigated  the  subject  in  1767,  the  governor  of 
New  York  received  the  following  order :  "  His 
majesty  doth  hereby  strictly  charge,  require, 
and  command,  that  the  governor  or  commander- 
in-chief  of  his  majesty's  province  of  New 
York,  for  the  time  being,  do  not,  upon  pain  of 


32  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1767. 

his  majesty's  highest  displeasure,  presume  to 
make  any  grants  whatsoever,  of  any  part  of  the 
land  described,  until  his  majesty's  further  plea- 
sure shall  be  known  concerning  the  same." 

This  royal  mandate  was  certainly  explicit  and 
satisfactory  enough,  so  far  as  its  apparent  mean- 
ing and  intention  could  be  gathered  from  its 
plain  English.  But  whether  "his  majesty's 
further  pleasure"  was  immediately  communicated 
to  the  New  York  governor,  revoking  this  order, 
or  whether  the  governor  found  the  fees  too  lu- 
crative to  be  tamely  surrendered,  the  people  soon 
found  that  royal  orders  gave  them  no  respite. 
No  regard  was  paid  to  the  royal  mandate.  New 
grants  continued  to  be  made,  and  actions  of 
ejectment  continued  to  he  pressed  in  the  courts 
at  Albany.  The  Green  Mountain  Boys  paid  no 
heed  to  these  proceedings,  and  suffered  judgment 
to  go  against  them  by  default.  They  complain- 
ed, and  with  reason,  that  the  officers  of  New 
York,  while  calling  upon  the  people  to  obey  the 
royal  orders  and  decisions,  violated  those  in- 
junctions themselves. 

The  militia  were  called  in  to  aid  and  support 
the  sheriff  and  his  officers.  But  this  measure 
served  only  to  demonstrate  the  weakness  of  a 
government  which  aimed  to  enforce  the  perpe- 
tration of  a  wrong.  The  claimants  holding  titles 
purchased  under  such  circumstances  had  not  a 
feeling  in  common  with  the  people.  They  were 


1767.]          ETHAN  ALLEN.  33 

speculators,  odious  for  the  fact  that  they  would 
attempt  to  possess  themselves  of  what  was  the 
equitable  property  of  others.  They  were  loathed 
as  adventurers  who  preferred  an  unjust  course, 
rather  than  to  purchase  lands  at  a  fair  valuation 
to  which  there  was  no  adverse  claims — idlers, 
who  would  willingly  derive  emolument  from  the 
distress  of  the  hardy  pioneers  who  had  subdued 
the  forest.  The  militia,  when  summoned,  though 
compelled  to  march,  had  no  affection  for  the 
business,  and  declined  hazarding  their  lives  against 
their  convictions,  and  against  the  people  with 
whom  they  sympathized,  for  the  emolument  of 
speculators  for  whom  they  had  no  respect. 
Wherever  a  show  of  opposition  was  made,  the 
New  York  militia  refused  to  act ;  and  the  sheriff 
with  his  posse  were  in  a  worse  predicament  than 
without  it.  The  exasperation  of  the  people  was 
increased,  and  the  fugitive  posse  only  emboldened 
the  resistants. 

The  name  of  Ethan  Alk-n,  celebrated  in  con- 
nection with  the  Revolutionary  war,  appears 
first  in  the  history  of  these  struggles  of  the 
people  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants  against 
their  grasping  neighbours.  Allen  was  born  in 
Litchfield,  Connecticut,  but  emigrated  with  his 
parents  to  the  New  Hampshire  grants  at  an 
early  age.  He  possessed  in  a  rare  degree  that 
indispensable  requisite  to  a  self -constituted  leader 
in  troublous  times — rude  and .  overbearing  self- 


34  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1767. 

confidence.  He  was  abashed  by  no  consciousness 
of  ignorance,  and  made  boldness  in  the  declara- 
tion of  his  opinions  serve  him  in  the  place  of  a 
more  refined  style.  As  the  right  was  manifestly 
on  his  side,  and  he  vigorously  contended  against 
an  injustice,  the  effects  of  which  he  suffered 
under  in  common  with  others,  the  leadership  to 
which  his  daring  impetuosity  made  him  aspire 
was  at  once  accorded  to  him.  There  was  at 
this  time  no  newspaper  in  Vermont,  and,  indeed, 
no  printing  office;  but  Ethan  Allen  entered  vi- 
gorously into  the  contest  with  New  York  as  a 
pamphleteer.  He  was  the  author  of  the  mani- 
festoes of  the  Green  Mountain  Boys,  to  which, 
with  other  names,  his  was  appended. 

Allen's  method  of  expression  in  these  appeals 
to  the  public  was  in  keeping  with  the  character 
of  the  public  which  he  addressed.  They  can 
scarce  be  read  now  without  a  smile,  their  ink- 
shed  being  of  the  most  ferocious  character.  The 
rude  borderers  of  that  day  found  their  own  feel- 
ings well  represented  in  the  harsh  language  of 
Allen.  Their  all  was  at  stake,  and  no  terms 
seemed  too  severe  to  denounce  their  oppressors. 
If  the  better  educated  among  them  perceived,  as 
they  doubtless  did,  the  absurdity  of  the  pam- 
phleteer, they  were  too  politic  to  take  exception 
to  what  seemed  best  adapted  to  keep  up  that  ex- 
citement, which  alone  promised  successful  and 
-continued  resistance.  The  nature  of  the  popu- 


1767.]  GREEN    MOUNTAIN   BOYS.  35 

lation  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants  is  thus 
summed  by  Dr.  Samuel  Williams,  the  first  his- 
torian of  Vermont : — 

«  The  main  body  of  the  settlers  at  that  time, 
consisted  of  a  brave,  hardy,  intrepid,  but  uncul- 
tivated set  of  men.  Without  many  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  education,  without  any  other  pro- 
perty than  what  hard  labour  and  hard  living  had 
procured,  destitute  of  the  conveniences  and 
the  elegancies  of  life,  and  having  nothing  to 
soften  or  refine  their  manners,  roughness,  ex- 
cess, and  violence  would  naturally  mark  their 
proceedings.  To  deny  such  people  justice  was 
to  prejudice  and  arm  them  against  it;  to  confirm 
all  those  suspicions  and  prejudices  against  their 
rulers,  and  to  give  them  an  excuse  and  plea  to 
proceed  to  outrage  and  violence.  When  the 
government  of  New  York  gave  to  these  proceed- 
ings the  names  of  mobs  and  riots,  abuse  and 
outrage,  it  is  probable  that  such  expressions 
conveyed  pretty  just  ideas  of  the  appearance  of 
their  conduct  and  opposition  to  the  laws.  But 
when  they  called  their  opposition  treason,  felony, 
and  rebellion  against  lawful  authority,  the  people 
of  the  adjoining  provinces  seem  to  have  believed 
that  the  government  of  New  York  was  much  more 
blamable  in  making  and  exercising  such  laws  as 
called  these  titles  to  their  lands  in  question,  than 
the  settlers  were  in  acting  in  open  and  avowed 
opposition  to  them." 


3G  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1767, 


,    CHAPTER  in. 

The  Green  Mountain  Tavern — Its  sign — Convention  at  Ben 
nington — Determination  of  the  settlers — Organized  opposi  • 
tion  to  New  York — Committees  of  Safety  formed — Military 
associations — Indictment  of  Allen,  Warner,  and  others — Re- 
wards offered  for  their  apprehension — Attempted  arrest  of 
Warner — Conciliatory  efforts  of  Governor  Tryon — Exception 
of  the  ringleaders — Proclamations  and  counter-proclamations 
— Decree  of  the  Green  Mountain  Convention — Green  Moun- 
tain law — The  Beech  Seal — Action  of  the  New  York  As- 
sembly— General  convention  west  of  the  Green  Mountains 
— Resolutions  adopted — Sanguinary  laws  of  New  York — Re- 
sponse of  the  Mountaineers — Colonel  Skeen's  mission  to 
England — Approach  of  the  Revolution. 

BENNINGTON,  the  first  town  chartered  by  the 
Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  was  one  of  the 
chief  rallying  places  of  the  Green  Mountain 
Boys.  The  "  Green  Mountain  Tavern"  in  this 
village  had  a  sign  expressive  of  the  defiance  of 
the  settlers.  On  the  very  borders  of  the  dis- 
puted territory,  a  post  twenty-five  fe^t  high  bore 
on  its  top  a  huge  catamount's  skin,  stuffed,  its 
teeth  displayed  toward  the  hated  province  of 
New  York.  One  mode  of  punishing  any  traitor 
to  the  Green  Mountain  interest,  was  to  hoist 
him,  tied  in  an  arm  chair,  up  to  the  sign,  and  let 
him  hang  one  hour  or  more,  according  to  the 
pleasure  of  his  judges,  exposed  to  the  mocking 


1771.]  ORGANIZED    OPPOSITION.  37 

of  the  crowd  which  such  an  occasion  did  not  fail 
to  summon. 

After  the  refusal  of  the  authorities  of  New 
York  to  heed  the  royal  mandate  forbidding  new 
grants,  a  convention  of  the  settlers  was  called 
at  Bennington  ;  and  at  this  convention  it  was 
"  resolved  to  support  the  rights  and  property 
which  they  possessed  under  the  New  Hampshire 
grants,  against  the  usurpation  and  unjust  claims 
of  the  governor  and  council  of  New  York,  by 
force,  as  law  and  justice  were  denied  them." 
Opposition  took  now  an  organized  and  formida- 
ble character.  "  Committees  of  Safety"  were 
appointed  in  most  of  the  towns  west  of  the 
Green  Mountains ;  and  these  committees  took 
cognizance  of  matters  within  theirs  several  pre- 
cincts, or  in  convention  passed  resolutions  and 
decrees  which  had  the  force  of  law  over  the  set- 
tlers. A  military  association  was  formed,  of 
which  Ethan  Allen  was  appointed  colonel,  and 
Seth  Warner  and  five  others  captains.  The 
authorities  of  New  York  proceeded  to  cause  the 
leaders  in  these  movements  to  be  indicted  as 
rioters ;  and  the  governor  of  that  province  is- 
sued a  proclamation  offering  one  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  sterling,  or  six  hundred  and  sixty- 
six  dollars,  for  the  apprehension  of  Colonel  Allen ; 
and  fifty  pounds,  or  two  hundred  and  twenty-two 
dollars,  for  each  of  the  others.  Allen  then  is- 
sued his  proclamation,  offering  five  pounds,  rather 


38  HISTORY   OF  VERMONT.  [1772. 

more  than  twenty-two  dollars,  to  any  person  who 
would  apprehend  the  attorney-general  of  the 
colony  of  New  York,  and  deliver  him  to  any 
officer  of  the  Green  Mountain  Boys.  An  officer 
of  New  York,  moved  perhaps  by  the  reward, 
visited  the  grants  with  the  purpose  of  arresting 
Warner.  The  Green  Mountain  captain  gave 
him  battle,  wounded  and  disarmed  him,  but 
spared  the  life  which  was  at  his  mercy.  Indeed, 
through  all  the  scenes  of  violence  which  at- 
tended the  efforts  of  New  York  to  enforce  un- 
just and  unpopular  laws,  the  resistants  avoided 
any  sanguinary  acts,  though  their  proclamations 
.had  a  ferocious  sound.  They  gave  fair  warning 
of  their  intentions,  and  warned  the  offenders 
against  ttheh:  decrees  to  desist.  Persistence  in 
spite  of  warning  was  rigorously  punished,  after 
due  examination  had  before  a  committee  of 
safety. 

Efforts  were  made  in  1772,  by  Governor  Tryon 
•of  New  York,  to  conciliate.  But  his  overtures 
•excepted  Allen  and  some  others,  arid  the  nego- 
tiations were  interrupted  by  the  proceedings 
of  exasperated  parties.  Certain  settlers,  who 
occupied  lands  -under  grants  from  New  York, 
were  dispossessed  and  driven  away  by  the  Green 
Mountain  Boys ;  and  when  the  New  York  go- 
vernor required  the  lands  to  be  restored,  the  set- 
tlers called  a  convention,  and  drew  up  a  report, 
•declining  compliance  with  the  governor's  man- 


1773.]  «  VIEWING."  30 

date,  and  vindicating  their  proceedings.  Nego- 
tiations here  terminated ;  and  the  governor, 
council,  and  legislature  of  New  York,  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  on  the 
other,  proceeded  to  the  fulmination  of  proclama- 
tions, and  the  enactment  of  decrees  and  laws, 
which  lacked  only  power  to  enforce  them,  to 
revive  the  worst  scenes  of  the  worst  despotism. 
Happily  their  fury  was  expended  in  ink  and 
evaporated  in  bravado. 

The  Green  Mountain  convention  decreed  that 
no  person  should  take  grants  or  confirmations  of 
grants  under  the  government  of  New  York.  It 
forbade  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  Hamp- 
shire grants  to  hold,  take,  or  accept  any  office 
of  honour  or  profit  under  the  colony  of  New 
York  ;  and  all  civil  and  military  officers  who 
had  acted  under  such  authority  were  commanded 
to  suspend  their  functions.  The  penalty  for 
neglect  or  refusal  was  "being  viewed"  by  a 
committee  of  safety.  What  "  viewing"  implied 
may  be  gathered  from  the  case  of  one  Benjamin 
Hough,  who  presumed  to  act  under  a  New  York 
commission  as  a  justice  of  the  peace,  after 
warning  given  him  to  desist. 

The  culprit  was  arrested  and  brought  before 
the  committee  of  safety  at  Sunderland.  When 
interrogated,  he  pleaded  the  jurisdiction  and  au- 
thority of  the  province  of  New  York.  He  was 
answered  by  the  decree  of  the  convention  above 


40  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1773. 

referred  to,  of  which  no  settler  on  the  grants 
could  be  ignorant.  And  the  committee  pro- 
ceeded to  pass  the  following  sentence,  which  was 
summarily  carried  into  execution :  »  That  the 
prisoner  be  taken  from  the  bar  of  this  committee 
of  safety,  and  tied  to  a  tree,  and  there  on  his 
naked  back  receive  one  hundred  stripes.  His 
back  being  dressed,  he  shall  depart  out  of  thft 
district,  and  on  his  return,  unless  by  special 
leave  of  the  committee,  he  shall  suffer  death." 

The  instruments  with  which  flagellation  was 
inflicted  were  "twigs  of  the  wilderness;"  and 
this  mode  of  punishment  was  termed,  by  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys,  the  application  of  the 
"  beech  seal."  Where  the  validity  of  the  great 
seal  of  the  province  of  New  Hampshire  was  not 
considered  sufficient  by  the  adherents  of  New 
York,  it  was  quaintly  intimated  that  the  "beech 
seal"  upon  their  naked  backs  would  be  regarded 
by  them  as  abundant  confirmation. 

These  measures,  of  course,  exasperated  the 
New  York  authorities.  The  settlers  on  the  New 
Hampshire  grants,  west  of  the  mountains,  who 
were  in  collision  with  the  New  York  authorities, 
wore  denounced  as  lawless  banditti.  Their  pro- 
ceedings were  characterized  as  treason  and  re- 
bellion ;  and,  powerless  as  New  York  had  proved 
to  enforce  former  enactments,  she  made  the  com- 
mon mistake  of  adding  to  former  acts,  which  re- 
mained dead  letters,  new  enactments  as  inopera- 


1774.]  RESOLUTIONS   ADOPTED.  41 

tive  in  effect  as  they  were  Draco-like  in  spirit 
A  committee  of  the  assembly  reported  a  series 
of  resolutions  upon  the  proceedings  of  the 
"Bennington  Mob,"  in  which  they  desired  his 
excellency,  the  governor,  to  offer  a  reward  for 
the  securing  of  the  ringleaders,  and  their  com- 
mittal to  Albany  jail.  And  they  recommended 
that  a  law  should  be  passed  "  more  effectually  to 
suppress  riotous  proceedings,  and  bring  the  of- 
fenders to  condign  punishment." 

These  preliminary  proceedings  having  tran- 
spired, a  general  convention  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  western  townships  was  held  on  the  1st 
of  March,  1774,  and  adjourned  to  the  third 
Wednesday  in  that  month.  At  this  meeting  a 
report  was  adopted  giving  a  review  of  past  events, 
and  recommending  the  New  York  authorities  to 
wait  the  determination  of  his  majesty  before 
proceeding  to  further  extremities.  It  concluded 
with  resolutions,  among  which  were  the  following  : 
"  That,  as  a  country,  we  will  stand  by  and  de- 
fend our  friends  and  neighbours  who  are  in- 
dicted, at  the  expense  of  our  lives  and  fortunes ;" 
and  "  that  for  the  future,  every  necessary  prepa- 
ration be  made,  and  that  our  inhabitants  hold 
themselves  in  readiness,  at  a  minute's  warning, 
to  aid  and  defend  such  friends  of  ours  who,  for 
their  merit  in  the  great  and  general  cause,  are 
falsely  denominated  rioters  ;  but  that  we  will 
not  act  any  thing,  more  or  less  than  on  the  de- 

4* 


42  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  -[1775. 

fensive,  and  also  encourage  due  execution  of  law 
in  civil  cases,  and  also  in  criminal  prosecutions 
that  are  so  indeed ;  and  also  that  we  will  assist, 
to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  the  officers  appointed 
for  that  purpose." 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  above  resolutions 
still  held  out  the  hope  of  accommodation.  But 
the  New  York  legislature,  influenced  perhaps 
by  the  speculators,  and  irritated  by  the  dis- 
position of  the  settlers  under  New  York  grants, 
proceeded  to  pass  a  law  in  accordance  with  the 
resolutions  of  their  committee.  Governor  Tryon 
was  absent  in  England,  whither  he  had  repaired 
to  lay  the  difficulties  which  he  encountered  before 
the  royal  government ;  and  Cadwallader  Golden, 
at  that  time  very  old,  was  acting  governor  of  the 
province.  The  law  which  the  wisdom  of  New 
York  devised  was  a  curiosity  in  American  legis- 
lation. Whether  it  ever  could  have  received 
the  sanction  of  the  crown  is  doubtful ;  nor  do 
we  know  with  what  propositions  for  the  settle- 
ment of  the  difficulty  Governor  Tryon  returned 
to  America;  for  on  his  arrival,  which  did  not 
take  place  until  1775,  he  found  more  engrossing 
and  important  business  than  the  quarrels  of  land- 
jobbers  with  the  Green  Mountain  Boys. 

The  territory  west  of  the  Green  Mountains, 
in  which  the  malecontents  principally  resided, 
was  divided  into  two  parts,  one  of  which  formed 
the  county  of  Charlotte,  and  the  other  was  an- 


17T5.]  SANGUINARY   LAWS.  43 

nexed  to  Albany.  The  new  law  applied  ex- 
clusively to  those  counties.  It  enacted  that  if 
any  person  opposed  a  civil  officer  of  New  York 
in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duty,  or  willingly 
burned  or  destroyed  property,  or  being  riotously 
assembled  proceeded  unlawfully  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  buildings,  such  offences  should  be  ad- 
judged felony  without  benefit  of  clergy,  and  the 
offenders  should  suffer  death  as  felons.  It  made 
it  the  duty  of  the  governor  to  publish  in  the 
public  papers,  and  to  cause  to  be  affixed  in  public 
places  by  the  sheriffs,  the  names  of  any  persons 
indicted  for  capital  offences,  with  an  order  com- 
manding the  surrender  of  themselves  within 
seventy  days.  ID  case  of  their  non-appearance 
within  the  seventy  days  they  were  to  be  adjudged 
guilty,  and  the  courts  might  award  execution 
against  them  in  the  same  manner  as  if  they  had 
been  convicted,  and  death  be  inflicted  without 
benefit  of  clergy.  All  crimes  committed  on  the 
New  Hampshire  grants  were  by  this  act  per- 
mitted to  be  tried  by  the  courts  of  the  county 
of  Albany ;  and  the  neglect  to  obey  the  summons 
to  surrender  themselves  was  equivalent  to  convic- 
tion. By  this  law  the  dangerous  duty  of  serv- 
ing process  on  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  was 
sought  to  be  evaded,  and  they  were  summoned  to 
appear  for  trial,  or  convict  themselves  by  refusal. 
At  the  same  time  a  new  proclamation  was  is- 
sued, offering  a  reward  of  fifty  pounds,  or  two 


44  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

hundred  and  twenty-two  dollars,  each  for  ap- 
prehending Ethan  Allen,  Seth  Warner,  and  six 
others  who  were  regarded  as  the  most  prominent 
leaders  among  the  malecontents.  The  effect 
of  these  measures  was  what  might  have  been  an- 
ticipated. The  acknowledgment  which  the  terms 
of  the  law  virtually  made,  that  New  York  was 
unable  to  enforce  it,  caused  the  measure  and  its 
abettors  to  he  looked  upon  with  contempt;  and 
nerved  the  resistants  to  a  fixed  determination  to 
meet  death  rather  than  submit.  Past  experience 
had  convinced  them  that  the  people  of  New 
York  had  no  desire  to  support  the  government, 
and  the  conduct  of  the  New  York  militia  had 
shown  how  little  disposed  their  fellow-citizens 
were  to  aid  the  officers.  The  Green  Mountain 
Boys  gained  in  the  moral  strength  which  is  con- 
ferred by  public  sympathy,  and  the  ferocious 
sign  of  the  Bennington  hostelry  glared  still  upon 
their  oppressors. 

Indeed3  that  sign  furnished  no  inapt  emblem 
of  the  whole  business.  Just  as  were  the  claims 
of  the  mountaineers,  an  air  of  solemn  farce 
seems  mingled  with  their  proceedings,  as  we, 
secure  in  our  rights,  look  back  upon  their 
wrongs  and  their  strange  manifestoes  of  defiance. 
If  the  law  above  noticed  was  a  marvel  in  its 
way,  the  answer  of  the  mountaineers,  in  conven- 
tion adopted,  was  no  less  remarkable.  It  out- 
heroded  Herod. 


1775.]         GREEN    MOUNTAIN   MANIFESTO.  46 

It  denounced  in  language  which  evinced  a  de- 
termination to  be  very  severe,  the  character  of 
the  land-jobbers  and  their  government,  and  thus 
depicted  their  doings  : — "  By  legerdemain,  bri- 
bery, and  deception,  they  have  extended  their 
dominions  far  and  wide.  They  have  wrangled 
with,  and  encroached  upon  the  neighbouring 
governments,  and  have  used  all  manner  of  de- 
ceit and  fraud  to  accomplish  their  designs. 
Their  tenants  groan  under  their  usury  and  op- 
pression ;  and  they  have  gained  as  Avell  as  merit- 
ed the  disapprobation  and  abhorrence  of  their 
neighbours.  The  innocent?  blood  they  have 
already  shed,  calls  for  Heaven's  vengeance  on 
their  guilty  heads  ;  and  if  they  should  come  forth 
in  arms  against  us,  thousands  of  their  injured 
neighbours  will  join  with  us  to  cut  off  and  ex- 
terminate such  an  execrable  race  of  men  from 
the  face  of  the  earth. 

"We,  therefore,"  says  the  manifesto,  "ad- 
vertise such  officers,  and  all  persons  whatsoever, 
that  we  are  resolved  to  inflict  immediate  death 
on  whomsoever  shall  attempt  the  apprehension 
of  the  persons  indicted  as  rioters.  And  pro- 
vided any  of  us,  or  our  party,  shall  be  taken, 
and  we  have  n^t  sufficient  notice  to  relieve  them, 
or  whether  we  relieve  them  or  not,  we  are  re- 
solved to  surround  such  person  or  persons  as 
shall  take  them,  whether  at  his  or  their  own 
house  or  houses,  or  any  where  that  we  can  find 


46  HISTORY   OF   VEKMONT.  [1775. 

him  or  them,  and  shoot  such  person  or  persons 
dead.  And  furthermore,  we  will  kill  and  destroy 
any  person  or  persons  whomsoever,  that  shall 
presume  to  be  accessory,  aiding  or  assisting  in 
taking  any  of  us  as  aforesaid ;  for,  by  these 
presents,  we  give  any  such  disposed  person  or 
persons  to  understand,  that  although  they  have 
a  license  by  the  law  aforesaid  to  kill  us,  and  an 
indemnification  for  such  murder  from  the  same 
authority,  yet  they  have  no  indemnification  for 
so  doing  from  the  Gr-reen  Mountain  Boys,  for 
our  lives,  liberties,  and  properties  are  as  verily 
precious  to  us  as  t»  any  of  the  king's  subjects. 
But  if  the  governmental  authority  of  New  York 
insists  upon  killing  us,  to  take  possession  of  our 
vineyards,  let  them  come  on ;  we  are  ready  for 
a  game  of  scalping  with  them ;  for  our  martial 
spirits  glow  with  bitter  indignation  and  consum- 
mate fury  to  blast  their  infernal  projects." 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  collision  oc- 
curred between  the  parties  who  had  fulminated 
such  furious  threats  against  each  other.  The 
absence  of  Governor  Tryon  may  have  had 
some  influence  in  preventing  the  parties  from 
proceeding  to  extremities.  Other  steps  were  in 
progress  to  allay  the  difficulty.  Colonel  Philip 
Skeen,  an  English  officer,  who  owned  large 
tracts  on  Lake  Champlain,  went  to  England 
with  a  view  to  obtain  the  erection  of  a  new  pro- 
vince out  of  the  Hampshire  grants.  He  had 


1775.]  SKEEN'S  MISSION.  47 

the  countenance  of  many  of  the  inhabitants; 
and  made  some  progress  in  his  mission,  for  he 
wrote  to  a  friend  that  he  had  been  appointed 
governor  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga.  It 
is  much  to  be  regretted  that  this  step  had  not 
been  earlier  taken,  that  it  might  have  been  per- 
fected before  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  be- 
tween the  colonies  and  the  mother  country. 
That  event  nipped  Colonel  Skeen's  plan  in  the 
bud  ;  but  the  future  state  of  Vermont,  esta- 
blished after  much  dispute,  was  the  carrying 
out  of  his  plan.  Had  it  been  consummated 
before  the  war,  there  would  have  been  four- 
teen states  in  the  original  American  confede- 
ration. 


48  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1773. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  tenure  of  the  royal  judges  in  the  colonies — Governor 
Hutchinson  and  the  Massachusetts  legislature — Petition  for 
the  removal  of  Chief  Justice  Oliver — His  impeachment — 
Oliver  sustained  by  Hutchinson — Appointment  of  counsellors 
by  the  crown — The  opening  of  the  Massachusetts  courts 
of  law  obstructed  by  the  people — Sympathy  of  the  Green 
Mountain  Boys — Possession  taken  of  Westminster  court 
house — Its  surrender  demanded  by  the  sheriff'  of  New  York 
— The  building  fired  into — Subsequent  disposal  of  the  pri- 
soners— Westminster  convention  renounce  the  government 
of  New  York — Colonial  disputes  with  Great  Britain — 'Battle 
of  Lexington — Population  of  Vermont — War  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. 

THE  event?  which  -we  have  narrated  took  place 
principally,  if  not  entirely,  on  the  western  side 
of  the  Green  Mountains.  The  inhabitants  of 
that  district  were  more  exposed  than  their  east- 
ern neighbours  to  contact  with  the  New  York 
authorities.  As  a  border  population,  with  the 
hardihood  and  courage  of  frontier  life,  has  also 
its  rudeness  and  rough  essentials,  and  as  the 
western  pioneers  of  Vermont  had  provocations 
which  might  well  have  influenced  men  of  higher 
culture,  we  are  not  to  wonder  at  their  fierce  and 
furious  resolutions  and  manifestoes,  or  to  be 
surprised  at  their  summary  application  of  forest 
law. 

But  while  the  inhabitants  of  the  townships 


1773.]  TENURE    OF   THE   JUDGES.  49 

nearer  New  Hampshire  remained  comparatively 
inactive,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  they  lacked 
sympathy  with  the  men  upon  whom  fell  the  brunt 
of  the  encounter.  And  although  some  of  the 
townships  near  the  Connecticut  River  repur- 
chased their  grants,  it  was  done  with  a  tacit  if 
not  with  a  verbal  protest.  The  injustice  was 
felt ;  and  when  the  time  arrived  for  action  the 
eastern  settlers  showed  that  they  were  not  insen- 
sible to  wrong,  or  disposed  always  to  submit  to 
what  they  regarded  as  tyranny. 

The  question  of  the  tenure  of  the  offices  of  the 
judges  in  the  provincial  courts  was  mooted  in 
Massachusetts  before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities. 
The  point  on  which  issue  was  joined  was  the 
manner  in  which  their  salaries  should  be  paid. 
To  render  the  governor  and  the  judiciary  inde- 
pendent of  the  people,  provision  was  made  for 
the  payment  of  their  salaries  from  England,  or 
by  the  commissioners  of  the  revenue  from  the 
customs'  receipts.  The  mode  had  hitherto  been 
to  vote  their  salaries  in  the  house  of  representa- 
tives ;  and  the  people  resolutely  refused  to  sub- 
mit to  the  change.  The  governor  they  could 
not  reach,  except  by  indirect  acts  of  retaliation ; 
and  these  they  felt  justified  in,  since  it  was  upon 
his  suggestion  that  the  change  was  made.  At 
the  session  of  the  legislature  in  1772,  when 
Governor  Hutchinson  declined  to  receive  his 
salary  from  the  province,  he  asked  that  the  Pro- 

5 


60  HISTORY   OF  VERMONT.  [1773. 

vince  House,  which  had  been  often  used  as  a  resi- 
dence for  the  chief  magistrate,  should  be  re- 
paired and  put  in  order  for  the  reception  of  his 
family.  The  legislature  replied  that  the  building 
was  intended  for  the  governor  of  the  province, 
who  had  heretofore  received  his  support  by  order 
of  the  colonial  legislature,  but  as  Governor 
Hutchinson  declined  a  salary  offered  by  the  pro- 
vince, and  chose  to  be  supported  by  the  British 
government,  they  did  not  feel  obliged  to  be  at  any 
charge  for  his  accommodation.  On  a  subsequent 
occasion,  when  the  governor  proposed  to  give  a 
public  dinner  to  the  commissioners  of  the  re- 
venue, the  people  of  Boston,  in  town  meeting 
assembled,  voted  that  if  he  desired  Faneuil  Hall 
for  that  purpose  he  should  not  have  it. 

But  with  the  judges  a  more  direct  course  was 
pursued.  The  house  requested  them  to  decline 
receiving  their  salaries  from  England.  Three  of 
them  complied,  and  expressed  their  readiness  to 
receive  it  from  the  province  as  heretofore.  But 
Mr.  Oliver,  the  chief  justice,  said  he  did  not 
dare  to  decline  it,  without  leave  first  obtained 
from  the  king.  The  house  thereupon  voted  him 
unfit  to  hold  the  office  of  judge,  and  prayed  the 
governor  to  remove  him.  The  governor  refused 
to  act  in  the  premises,  alleging  that  the  power 
of  removal  belonged  to  the  crown.  The  house 
then  proceeded  to  impeach  Judge  Oliver  of  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors,  but  the  governor  still 


1772.]  THE   COURTS   OBSTKUCTED.  51 

refused  to  act.  The  people  then  in  several  of 
the  counties,  refused  to  take  the  usual  oaths  as 
grand  jurors,  when  the  courts  were  in  session, 
until  assured  that  the  obnoxious  judge  would  not 
be  present.  Another  difficulty  soon  arose.  Some 
of  the  judges  were  appointed  to  the  council,  as 
the  upper  branch  of  the  legislature  was  then 
called  ;  the  crown  assuming  the  right  of  appoint- 
ing counsellors,  whereas  they  had  hitherto  been 
elected  by  the  house.  The  people  of  Boston 
regularly  drawn,  refused  to  act  as  jurors,  but 
the  panel  was  filled  otherwise,  and  the  business 
proceeded.  At  this  stage  of  the  contest,  in  some 
of  the  inland  counties,  the  judges  and  officers 
were  prevented  from  occupying  the  court  houses 
— the  people  blocking  up  the  entrances,  and  by 
sheer  dead  weight  and  pre-occupation,  keeping 
them  out.  No  forcible  entry  was  attempted,  and 
the  delay  of  judicial  action  was  submitted  to  by 
the  obnoxious  judges. 

The  pulse  of  the  other  New  England  colonies 
beat  with  Massachusetts.  Vermont  was  settled 
chiefly  by  emigrants  from  Massachusetts,  New 
Hampshire,  and  Connecticut ;  men  who,  from 
their  adventurous  spirit,  would  have  an  alacrity 
of  resistance  to  oppression  ;  and  who,  in  the 
contests  of  the  two  royal  governors  of  New 
Hampshire  arid  New  York  had  been  sufferers  in 
fact,  while  the  governors  suffered  in  dignity. 
The  oppressive  acts  of  New  York  would  have 


52  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

made  them  resistants  had  all  the  rest  of  New 
England  been  loyal ;  and  we  are  not,  therefore, 
to  wonder  that  the  example  of  Massachusetts  in 
relation  to  the  obnoxious  judges  in  that  province, 
found  ready  imitators  in  the  New  Hampshire 
grants.  The  royal  authority  was  suspended, 
after  the  continental  congress  of  1774,  in  nearly 
all  the  colonies,  New  York  and  Georgia  alone 
withholding  their  formal  sanction  to  the  doings 
of  the  congress.  In  the  latter  province,  the 
personal  influence  of  the  governor  restrained  the 
legislature  from  overt  adhesion.  In  New  York 
the  loyalists  were  numerous,  and  the  legislature 
was  a  moderate  or  "  compromise  body."  Though 
petitions  and  addresses  were  adopted,  similar  in 
tone  to  the  doings  of  the  continental  congress, 
the  province  nominally  maintained  its  loyalty, 
after  the  other  provinces,  except  Georgia,  were 
formally  committed. 

But  the  example  of  Massachusetts  brought 
matters  in  the  New  Hampshire  grants  to  a  crisis. 
The  people,  sympathizing  with  their  New  Eng- 
land friends  and  kindred,  felt  painfully  their 
forced  connection  with  New  York,  a  province 
with  whom  they  now  seemed  to  have  less 
sympathy  than  ever.  The  regular  term  of  the 
court  for  the  county  of  Cumberland,  was  to 
have  been  holden  in  March,  1775.  Efforts 
were  made  to  dissuade  the  judges  from  holding 
the  court.  Of  course,  while  they  hold  their 


1775.]  THE   PEOPLE   FIRED   UPON.  53 

commission,  they  would  not  consent  to  identify 
themselves  with  the  rebellious  party.  They  pro- 
ceeded in  their  official  course,  and  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Westminster  and  the  adjacent  towns, 
followed  the  Massachusetts  precedent,  and  took 
possession  of  the  court  house.  The  judges  did 
not,  however,  follow  the  wise  example  of  their 
brethren  in  the  Bay  State,  who  prudently  with- 
drew before  the  pressure  of  the  people.  The 
judges  appeared  before  the  house  attended  with 
an  armed  posse,  and  commanded  the  crowd  to 
disperse.  Nothing  more  serious  than  hard  words 
passed  at  this  time,  and  the  judges,  sheriffs,  and 
posse  withdrew. 

Negotiations  now  took  place  between  the  lead- 
ers of  the  people  and  the  judges.  A  quasi 
armistice  was  agreed  to,  by  which  the  people 
were  to  keep  possession  of  the  court  house  until 
morning.  At  that  time  the  judges  would  come 
without  their  armed  posse,  and  be  admitted,  to 
hear  what  the  resistants  might  offer  in  defence 
of  their  course.  Contrary  to  this  understanding, 
after  lulling  the  vigilance  of  the  people,  the 
sheriff  and  his  followers  came  to  the  court  house 
at  midnight  and  demanded  admittance.  Being 
refused,  they  fired  into  the  building,  and  by  this 
treacherous  act  killed  one  man,  and  wounded 
several  more.  The  wounded  men,  and  some 
others  who  were  seized  amid  the  terror  and  con- 
fusion, they  committed  to  prison.  It  was  well 
5* 


54  HISTORY   OF  VERMONT.  [1775. 

% 

for  the  attacking  party  that  this  outrage  was  not 
committed  on  the  western  side  of  the  mountains, 
in  the  province  proper  of  the  Green  Mountain 
Boys. 

The  news  of  this  outrage  flew  apace.  At  an 
early  hour  the  next  day  a  crowd  had  collected. 
A  coroner's  jury  was  impanelled ;  a  verdict  of 
murder  was  returned  against  the  officers,  several 
of  whom  were  arrested.  Notwithstanding  the 
exasperation  of  the  multitude,  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  any  violence  was  done  to  the  prison- 
ers, who  were  conveyed  to  the  jail  in  Northamp- 
ton, in  the  province  of  Massachusetts.  Upon 
application  of  the  chief  justice  of  New  York, 
they  were  released,  and  returned  home.  Massa- 
chusetts could  claim  no  jurisdiction  in  the  case, 
and  their  committal  to  a  prison  in  that  province 
was  manifestly  illegal ;  though  to  seek  their 
punishment  in  the  jurisdiction  of  New  York 
would  have  been  fruitless.  Now  the  settlers  east 
of  the  mountains  made  common  cause  with  their 
brethren.  A  meeting  was  convened  in  West- 
minster, on  the  llth  of  April,  at  which  was 
passed  the  following  resolve :  "  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  inhabitants  wholly  to  renounce  and 
resist  the  government  of  New  York,  until  such 
time  as  the  lives  and  property  of  the  inhabitants 
may  be  secured  by  it ;  dr  until  such  time  as  they 
can  have  opportunity  to  lay  their  grievances  be- 
fore his  most  gracious  majesty  in  council,  with  a 


1775.]     DAWN  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.       55 

proper  remonstrance  against  the  unjustifiable 
conduct  of  that  government,  together  with  a 
humble  petition  to  be  taken  out  of  so  oppressive 
a  jurisdiction,  and  either  annexed  to  some  other 
government,  or  erected  and  incorporated  into  a 
new  one,  as  may  appear  best  for  the  inha- 
bitants." 

While  the  people  of  the  New  Hampshire 
grants  were  in  this  state  of  excitement,  events 
occurred  which  gave  their  thoughts  a  new  di- 
rection, or  rather  which  gave  them,  in  the  same 
direction,  a  higher  object ;  and  which  led  their 
spirit  of  resistance  beyond  New  York,  to  contend 
with  the  power  from  whom  the  authorities  as- 
sumed to  derive  their  right  to  oppress.  On  the 
19th  of  April,  1775,  occurred  the  battle  of  Lex- 
ington ;  and  while  some  of  the  higher  spirit- 
ed men  in  Vermont  were  taking  measures 
for  armed  resistance  against  the  authorities 
of  New  York,  the  news  of  this  first  blood  shed 
in  the  contest  with  Great  Britain  reached  the 
excited  settlers.  "By  presenting  new  scenes, 
and  greater  objects,"  says  Dr.  Williams,  the 
historian  of  Vermont,  "  this  event  seems  to  have 
prevented  either  party  from  proceeding  to  hos- 
tilities ;  and  turned  their  attention  from  their 
particular  contest  to  the  general  cause  of  Ame- 
rica. The  attention  of  all  orders  of  men  was 
immediately  engaged ;  local  and  provincial  con- 
tests were  at  once  swallowed  up  by  the  novelty, 


56  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

the  grandeur,  and  the  importance  of  the  contest 
that  opened  between  Britain  and  America." 

At  this  date,  1775,  the  population  of  Vermont 
is  estimated  by  Mr.  Thompson,  author  of  the 
Gazetteer  of  Vermont,  at  20,000.  The  popu- 
lation had  grown  up  by  immigration  in  fifteen 
years ;  for  in  1760,  there  were  not  more  than 
three  hundred  people  in  the  territory.  These 
settlers  were  fully  qualified  for  the  service  they 
were  afterward  to  perform.  Schooled  amid  pri- 
vations and  difficulties,  they  were  trained  to 
perform  the  important  part  which  they  sub- 
sequently supported  in  the  war  of  the  Revo- 
lution. 


1775.]  EEPRISALS    PROPOSED.  57 


CHAPTER  V. 

Benedict  Arnold — The  surprise  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticonde- 
roga  recommended — Arnold  commissioned  and  authorized  to 
attempt  it — A  detachment  of  volunteers  organized  in  Connec- 
ticut for  the  same  purpose — Form  a  junction  with  Ethan  Allen 
and  a  party  of  Green  Mountain  Boys — Meeting  with  Arnold 
— Appointed  second  in  command — Disputes  between  Arnold 
and  Allen — Capture  of  Ticonderoga — Of  Crown  Point — 
Of  Skeensboro  —  St.  John's  surprised  by  Arnold  —  Ap- 
proach of  the  British — Congress  provides  for  the  restitution 
of  the  captured  property — Massachusetts  and  the  continental 
congress — Surrender  of  authority  to  the  latter — George 
Washington  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  colonial 
forces — Powers  assumed  by  congress — Petitions  and  addresses 
to  Great  Britain — Judicious  conduct  of  the  English  parlia- 
ment in  respect  to  Canada — Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point 
efficiently  garrisoned. 

THE  courage  and  patriotism  of  the  Green 
Mountain  Boys  were  now  offered  a  wider  field 
than  that  in  which  they  had  hitherto  been  exer- 
cised. The  struggle  with  Great  Britain  had 
commenced  in  earnest;  and  as  General  Gage  had 
taken  the  initiatory  steps  of  hostility,  hy  the 
seizure  of  warlike  stores,  the  colonists  thought 
it  a  proper  retaliation  to  possess  themselves  of 
the  posts  and  munitions  belonging  to  and  occu- 
pied by  the  crown.  The  importance  of  the 
fortifications  on  the  Champlain  route  from  New. 
York  to  Canada,  suggested  movements  in  Con- 


58  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

necticut  and  Massachusetts,  with  a  view  to  their 
reduction  ;  and  although  these  movements  were 
simultaneously  made,  they  were  undertaken  with- 
out concert.  Benedict  Arnold,  who,  in  the  early 
part  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  distinguished 
himself  as  an  able  and  courageous  officer,  called 
the  attention  of  the  Massachusetts  committee  of 
safety  to  the  fortresses  of  Crown  Point  and  Ti- 
conderoga.  Arnold  belonged  by  birth  and  re- 
sidence to  Connecticut,  and  was  thus  aware  of 
the  quantity  of  munitions  at  these  points,  and 
of  the  state  of  the  defences.  He  had  been  a 
dealer  in  horses,  and  subsequently  a  trader  and 
shipmaster  in  New  Haven.  He  repaired  to 
Boston  on  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  in  com- 
mand of  a  company  of  volunteers  ;  and  upon 
his  representations  of  the  state  of  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point,  he  received  a  colonel's  com- 
mission, with  authority  to  raise  a  regiment  in 
Vermont  for  the  enterprise. 

Meanwhile,  certain  gentlemen  in  Connecticut 
set  the  same  plan  on  foot.  They  knew  that  the 
garrisons  were  then  feeble  at  both  points,  and 
the  fortifications  dilapidated,  and  hastened  to 
secure  the  two  places  before  they  should  be  put 
in  a  better  posture  of  defence.  A  loan  of 
eighteen  hundred  dollars  was  obtained  of  the 
legislature,  powder  and  ball  were  procured,  and 
the  Connecticut  party,  of  forty  men,  set  forward 
to  communicate  with  Ethan  Allen.  Seth  Warner, 


1775.]  ARNOLD   AND   ALLEN.  59 

who  had  figured  in  the  Green  Mountain  pro- 
ceedings with  Ethan  Allen,  readily  acted  with 
his  old  chief  in  this  new  enterprise.  The  affair 
altogether  appears  to  have  been  conducted  with 
great  address  and  promptitude.  The  attacking 
party  were  advised  of  all  the  turns  and  passages 
of  the  works  at  Ticonderoga,  by  Captain  Noah 
Phelps,  one  of  the  Connecticut  volunteers,  who 
introduced  himself  into  the  fort,  and  professing 
great  clownishness  and  simplicity,  examined  the 
place  with  the  eye  of  a  veteran. 

Arnold  had,  meanwhile,  joined  Allen  at  Castle- 
ton.  He  came  attended  only  by  a  servant, 
having  failed  to  obtain  recruits,  since  Allen  and 
Warner,  men  known  to  the  settlers,  had  been 
before  him.  Arnold  would  have  assumed  the 
command,  but  to  this  the  Green  Mountain  Boys 
would  not  submit.  A  council  was  called,  and 
Arnold's  commission  was  examined.  He  was 
permitted  to  join  as  a  volunteer,  but  Allen  was 
also  elected  and  commissioned  colonel,  and  Ar- 
nold was  recognised  under  his  Massachusetts 
commission  as  second  in  command. 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  May,  Colonel 
&llen  arrived  at  Orwell,  with  two  hundred  and 
seventy  men,  all  except  forty  of  whom  were 
Green  Mountain  Boys.  Some  difficulty  was 
found  in  procuring  boats,  but  the  people  of  the 
vicinity  fell  readily  into  the  spirit  of  the  enter- 
prise. Two  young  men,  who  overheard  in  bed 


60  HISTORY  OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

what  was  g<>ing  forward,  corrupted  the  boatmen 
of  Major  Skeen  with  that  potent  ammunition, 
a  bottle  of  rum,  and  inveigled  the  unconscious 
men  into  the  service,  boat  and  all.  They  dis- 
covered their  mistake  when,  at  Shoreham,  the 
point  of  embarkation  on  the  Vermont  side,  they 
were  put  under  guard  as  prisoners  of  war.  Other 
boats  were  also  procured,  but  all  were  only  of 
sufficient  capacity  to  transport  eighty  men  at  one 
trip.  Here  again  the  dispute  for  precedence 
between  the  two  colonels  was  renewed.  Arnold 
demanded  the  honour  of  leading  the  men  into 
the  fort.  Allen  refused  to  suffer  it ;  and  the 
dispute  was  settled  by  a  compromise  that  both 
should  enter  together,  but  that  Allen  should 
enter  on  the  right,  and  have  the  command. 

Just  before  daybreak  on  the  10th  of  May  the 
first  party  of  eighty-three  men  landed  on  the 

!  shore  near  Ticonderoga.  The  hour  requiring 
expedition,  if  a  surprise  was  to  be  attempted, 
Allen  decided  to  proceed  at  once,  without  wait- 
ing for  the  residue  of  his  men.  He  made  a 
short  harangue  to  his  party,  which  he  concluded 
by  saying:  "I  now  propose  to  advance  before 
you,  and  conduct  you  in  person  through  the 
wicket  gate ;  but  inasmuch  as  it  is  a  desperate 
attempt,  I  do  not  urge  it  on  any  one  contrary  to 
his  will.  You  that  will  undertake  it  volunta- 
rily, poise  your  firelocks."  Not  a  man  hesi- 
tated. 


1775.]  TICONDEROGA   SURPRISED.  61 

With  celerity  and  in  perfect  silence  tliej 
moved  to  the  attack.  Colonel  Allen  at  the  head. 
The  sentry  at  the  gate  snapped  his  fusee,  but  it 
missed  fire,  and  the  party  followed  him  up  as  he 
r^tFgafecT through  the  covered  way.  The  other 
sgntries  were  seized ;  and  except  these  not^a 
soul  was  awake  in  the  fort,  until  the  cheers  of 
the  Gfreeli  Mo~unljrin~~B6ys,  drawn  up  in  line 
on  the  parade,  startled  the  garrison  in  as- 
tonishment from  their  slumbers.  The  idea  of 
an  enemy  had  not  entered  into  their  dreams, 
and  the  thought  of  surprise  and  capture  was 
the  last  that  could  have  occurred  to  them.  Cap- 
tain de  Laplace,  the  commander,  was  confront- 
ed by  Colonel  Allen  in  his  quarters,  before  he 
had  time  to  dress,  with  a  demand  for  the  sur- 
render of  the  fort.  "  By  what  authority  ?" 
asked  the  amazed  officer.  « I  demand  it," 
said  Colonel  Allen,  "in  the  name  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,"  adding  one  of  the  irreverent 
expressions  to  which  the  colonel  of  the  Green 
Mountain  Boys  was  too  much  addicted.  Captain 
de  Laplace  had  no  choice  but  to  submit.  It  was 
a  complete  surprise  in  every  sense ;  for  while  the 
»  captain  surrendered,  he  did  not  know  under 
what  authority  his  captor  was  acting.  The  news 
of  the  Lexington  affair  had  not  yet  reached 
Ticonderoga. 

On  the  same  day  Colonel  Seth  Warner  took 
possession  of  Crown  Point,  with  as  little  diffi- 

6 


62  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

culty  as  Ticonderoga  had  been  captured.  Skeens- 
boro,  now  called  Whitehall,  was  also  taken  by 
another  party.  Thus  while  Major  Skeen  was 
absent  in  England,  ended  his  well-meant  efforts 
to  govern  a  new  province,  to  be  erected  out  of 
the  disputed  Ne\\  Hampshire  grants. 

The  total  garrisons  of  these  places  did  not 
amount  to  more  than  seventy  men.  But  the 
stores  and  ammunition  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  captors,  were  the  best  results  of  the  day's 
work.  Over  two  hundred  pieces  of  artillery,  a 
large  supply  of  powder,  provisions,  and  materials 
for  boat  building,  were  among  the  property  se- 
cured, and  all  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  or  the 
infliction  of  a  wound  upon  either  party.  A 
schooner  seized  at  Skeensboro  played  also  a 
useful  part  in  the  subsequent  proceedings.  The 
party  who  had  captured  it  joined  Arnold,  and 
with  these  men  he  put  in  use  his  nautical  expe- 
rience ;  and  assumed  upon  the  water  the  prece- 
dence which  Allen  had  refused  him  upon  the 
land.  A  number  of  batteaux  were  procured,  of 
which  Allen  took  command.  The  wind  giving 
the  schooner  the  advantage,  she  outsailed  the 
batteaux,  and  reaching  St.  John's,  Arnold  there 
surprised  and  captured  a  British  armed  vessel, 
the  only  one  then  on  the  lake,  and  returned  with 
his  prize  to  Ticonderoga.  In  this  expedition  a 
large  addition  was  made  to  the  valuable  muni- 
tions of  war  which  were  seized  by  the  Americans. 


1775.]       PROGRESS   OF  THE   REVOLUTION.  63 

Colonel  Allen  proposed  to  take  and  hold  St 
John's,  but  was  obliged  to  retire  by  the  appear- 
ance of  a  superior  force,  which  entered  the  place 
from  Montreal.  As  the  result  of  the  six  days' 
work,  Lake  Charaplain  and  its  fortresses  fell 
into~the  hands  of  the  Americans ;  the  main 
actors  in  these  important  successes  being  the 
proscribed  Green  Mountain  Boys.  So  little, 
however,  did  the  continental  congress  anticipate 
the  result  of  the  war  thus  commenced,  that  an 
inventory  of  the  property  captured  was  ordered 
to  be  taken,  that  at  the  close  of  the  difficulty  re- 
stitution of  it  might  be  made  to  the  British  go- 
vernment. The  same  congress,  however,  made 
such  provision  for  the  public  service,  that  it  was 
evident  they  considered  the  difficulty  one  which' 
must  be  resolutely  met. 

A  full  detail  of  the  recent  events  in  Massa- 
chusetts, the  measures  of  Gage,  the  affairs  of 
Lexington  and  Concord,  and  the  oppressive  acts 
of  the  British  parliament,  were  laid  before  con- 
gress. Massachusetts  led  the  way  in  giving  the 
congress  a  legislative  and  executive  power  which 
the  former  congress  had  not  assumed.  The 
Massachusetts  provincial  congress  asked  advice 
as  to  the  form  of  government  to  be  assumed, 
now  that  the  British  government  had  violated  the 
charter  of  the  province ;  and  they,  likewise,  de- 
sired the  continental  congress  to  assume  com- 
mand of  the  troops  assembled  before  Boston. 


64  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

In  answer  to  these  appeals,  the  continental 
congress  recommended  that  Massachusetts  should 
still  act  under  her  charter  as  near  as  might  be 
under  the  circumstances.  The  governor  ap- 
pointed by  the  king,  in  conformity  with  the 
charter,  they  could  not  recognise,  since  he  had 
set  the  charter  aside.  The  councillors  appointed 
by  the  king  they  would  not  recognise,  since 
these  appointments  were  a  violation  of  the  char- 
ter. According  to  the  suggestion  of  congress 
they  elected  representatives,  those  representa- 
tives chose  counsellors,  and  the  counsellors  ex- 
ercised the  powers  formerly  vested  in  the  go- 
vernor and  council.  In  relation  to  the  other  re- 
quest that  the  continental  congress  would  assume 
the  charge  of  the  army,  congress  resolved  that 
hostilities  had  been  commenced  by  Great  Britain, 
and  that,  therefore,  the  colonies  ought  to  be  put 
in  a  state  of  defence  ;  that  no  provisions  should 
be  furnished  to  the  British  army  or  navy ;  that 
no  bills  drawn  by  British  officers  ought  to  be  ne- 
gotiated; and  that  colonial  ships  ought  not  to 
be  employed  in  the  transportation  of  British 
troops.  And  while  congress  denied  any  inten- 
tion to  throw  off  their  allegiance,  the  appoint- 
ment of  George  Washington  commander-in-chief, 
was  unanimously  made,  and  other  officers  were 
commissioned,  thus  creating  a  complete  mili- 
tary establishment  so  far  as  the  provision  of 
officers  were  considered. 


1775.]         POWERS    ASSUMED    BY    CONGRESS.         65 

Thus  did  congress,  in  part,  assume  supreme 
power,  and  in  part  accept  investment  with  it. 
Without  precedents  to  refer  to,  and  with  no 
guides  but  patriotism,  discretion,  and  a  spirit  of 
conciliation,  this  patriotic  body  undertook  and 
maintained  a  work  to  which  no  other  revolution- 
ary tribunal  was  ever  competent.  Much  was 
done  by  tacit  agreement.  They  formed  their 
own  precedents,  were  determined  in  their  pro- 
gress by  their  own  past  usage,  and  met  new  exi- 
gencies with  a  wisdom  to  which  the  history  of 
the  world  affords  no  parallel.  Continental  ap- 
pointments and  commissions  superseded  or  con- 
trolled provincial  appointments  ;  and  although 
there  were  unquestionably  some  heart-burnings, 
jealousies,  and  complaints,  yet  each  submitted  for 
the  good  of  the  whole,  and  the  petition  of  Massa- 
chusetts put  congress  in  command  of  the  army 
through  all  the  colonies,  and  for  the  whole  pe- 
riod of  the  war.  And  if  the  continental  con- 
gress was  not,  as  in  the  course  of  our  narrative 
will  be  shown,  of  power  sufficient  to  compel  jus- 
tice in  all  cases  where  their  power  was  invoked 
so  to  do,  we  may  wonder  that  such  a  body  could 
accomplish  so  much,  rather  than  be  surprised 
that  there  were  some  things  to  which  it  was  not 
equal. 

As  we  are  not  writing  the  history  of  the  war, 
but  only  of  one  state  in  this  confederacy,  the 
general  narrative  will  need  to  be  introduced  only 
6* 


66  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

so  far  as  it  is  necessary  to  the  history  of  Ver- 
mont. Among  the  leading  acts  of  the  congress 
which  assembled  in  the  spring  of  1775,  besides 
those  which  we  have  already  noticed,  were  the 
compilation  of  "Articles  of  War;"  the  pro- 
vision of  means  for  prosecuting  it ;  and  the  set 
ting  forth  of  a  "  Declaration  of  the  Causes  and 
Necessity  of  taking  up  Arms."  A  petition  to  the 
king  was  adopted,  and  an  address  to  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Great  Britain.  A  letter  of  thanks  to 
the  mayor  and  livery  of  London  for  their  spirited 
opposition  to  the  ministerial  oppression  of  the 
colonies  was  prepared.  Addresses  were  also 
published  to  the  people  of  Ireland,  of  Jamaica, 
and  of  the  Canadas.  Indian  boards  were  ap- 
pointed to  treat  with  and  conciliate  the  abori- 
gines ;  and  a  post-office  system  was  organized, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  placed  Dr.  Franklin, 
just  displaced  from  the  royal  mail  establishment. 
Some  of  the  addfesses  above  mentioned  were 
repetitions  of  those  issued  by  a  former  congress. 
Almost  the  only  politic  movement  adopted  by 
the  British  parliament,  in  the  controversy  with 
the  provinces,  had  been  taken  in  relation  to 
Canada.  By  the  act  called  the  Quebec  Act,  the 
old  French  law  was  restored  in  that  province, 
and  the  Roman  church  was  guaranteed  the  pos- 
session of  its  immense  property.  The  bound- 
aries of  the  province  were  extended  so  as  to 
include  that  part  of  the  territory  now  belonging 


1775.]  QUEBEC   ACT — ITS   RESULTS.  67 

to  the  United  States,  which  lies  north  of  the 
Ohio  River,  and  west  of  the  Mississippi.  This 
act,  unpalatable  to  the  small  number  of  Eng- 
lishmen in  the  conquered  province,  and  ob- 
noxious to  the  other  colonies,  was  more  potent 
than  an  army  in  securing  Canada  to  Great  Bri- 
tain. It  secured  the  support  of  the  clergy  and 
the  seigneurs ;  and  whatever  temporary  success 
attended  American  invasions,  prevented  that  pro- 
vince, through  their  influence,  from  joining  the 
American  confederacy.  The  chances  of  war 
offered  the  Canadians  their  choice  between  alle- 
giance to  a  king  who  had  just  conferred  upon 
them  unlocked  for  advantages,  and  association 
with  a  people  who  had  been  active  personal  ene- 
mies in  the  colonial  wars,  and  who  were  as 
much  disliked  as  protestants,  as  they  were  hated 
as  national  enemies.  Therefore  the  addresses 
of  the  continental  congress,  and  the  efforts  of 
the  continental  army,  were  alike*  ineffectual ; 
and  no  small  ground  of  this  ill  success  was  to  be 
found  in  the  fact,  that  while  the  Canadians 
were  very  affectionately  appealed  to  in  the  ad- 
dresses of  congress,  in  other  documents  ema- 
nating from  the  same  body  they  were  alluded 
to  in  terms  of  disrespect. 

The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  followed  the  skir- 
mishes at  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  the 
seizure  of  Ticonderoga  and  CroAvn  Point.  The 
war  had  now  in  reality  begun  past  recall, 


68  HISTORY  OF  VERMONT.  [1775. 

and  the  organization  of  the  army  made  availa- 
ble the  possession  of  Lake  Champlain  and  its 
posts.  They  were  garrisoned  by  troops  under 
the  command  of  officers  holding  commissions 
in  the  continental  army.  The  possession  of 
such  advantages  of  position  led  the  way  to  a 
series  of  offensive  operations  against  Canada, 
in  which  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  largely 
partook. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Colonel  Allen — Volunteer  officers — Their  difficulties  with  re- 
spect to  rank  in  the  continental  army — Arnold  superseded  in 
command  at  Ticonderoga — Returns  to  Massachusetts — At- 
tempt upon  Canada — Defenceless  condition  of  that  province 
— Regiment  of  Green  Mountain  Boys  raised  by  Colonel 
Warner — Schuyler  and  Montgomery  appointed  to  command 
the  invading  army — Supineness  of  the  Canadians — Activity 
of  General  Carleton — Advance  of  Schuyler  and  Montgo- 
mery— Abortive  attempt  on  Montreal — Ethan  Allen  captured 
and  sent  to  England — Incidents  of  his  captivity — Taking  of 
Chambly  by  the  Americans — Repulse  of  Carleton  at  Longue- 
isle  by  Colonel  Warner — Surrender  of  St.  John's  to  Mont- 
gomery— Surrender  of  Montreal — Narrow  escape  of  Carle- 
ton — March  of  Arnold  through  the  wilderness  to  Quebec — 
He  forms  a  junction  with  Montgomery — Attempt  on  Que- 
bec and  death  of  Montgomery — Gallantry  and  hardihood  of 
Arnold. 

UPON  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  the 
other  Champlain  stations,  Colonel  Allen  appears 
to  have  returned  home,  leaving  Arnold  in  charge, 


1775.]  ARONLD    SUPERSEDED.  69 

that  officer  having  a  regular  commission  under 
the  authority  of  Massachusetts.  There  was  no 
provincial  government  in  Vermont  to  grant  coin 
missions,  and  Allen  must  have  held  his  post  as  a 
volunteer,  his  rank  being  determined  by  the  men 
under  his  command.  Much  difficulty,  we  may 
here  observe,  occurred  in  the  early  organization 
of  the  continental  army,  from  the  claims  of 
volunteer  officers  to  rank  according  to  the  num- 
ber of  men  they  were  able  to  bring  with  them ; 
and  though  this  served  the  purpose  of  raising  a 
large  impromptu  army,  and  collecting  soldiers 
ready  for  an  enthusiastic  onslaught,  it  did  not 
provide  men  patient  of  discipline,  or  disposed  to 
that  perfect  subordination  and  calm  endurance  of 
camp  privations  which  are  necessary  in  all  true 
soldiers.  Allen  was  rather  what,  in  later  times, 
has  been  termed  a  guerilla  chief  than  a  regular 
officer. 

Connecticut  undertook  to  garrison  these  posts, 
and  New  York  to  supply  them  with  provisions. 
Under  this  arrangement  Arnold  was  superseded 
in  the  command  at  Ticorideroga,  and  being  of  a 
factious  and  troublesome  spirit,  ambitious  and 
impatient  of  subordination,  he  disbanded  his 
men,  and  returned  to  the  camp  before  Boston. 
He  was  a  disappointed  man.  He  had  written  to 
congress,  in  conjunction  with  Allen,  strongly 
urging  a  descent  upon  Canada  ;  and  he  wished 
for  the  opportunity  to  distinguish  himself  in  that 


70  HISTORY  OF  VERMONT.  [1775. 

expedition,  the  success  of  which  he  boldly  pre- 
dicted, as  there  were  only  two  regiments  of 
British  regulars  there.  The  greater  part  of  the 
British  forces  on  this  continent  were  employed 
in  the  colonies  which  were  actually  in  a  state  of 
insurrection  ;  and  the  British  government  count- 
ed, not  entirely  without  foundation,  as  events 
proved,  upon  the  effects  of  the  Quebec  Bill, 
already  mentioned.  If  this  bill  did  not  produce 
enthusiasm  in  favour  of  Britain — if,  indeed,  it 
changed  discontent  from  one  class  to  another  in 
Canada,  it  still  produced  the  effect  desired  upon 
the  great  body  of  the  people,  securing,  with 
some  exceptions,  their  indifference,  if  not  their 
active  co-operation  with  the  British  forces. 

When  first  addressed  upon  the  subject  of  in- 
vading Canada,  congress  was  indisposed  to  enter 
upon  offensive  measures,  preferring  and  vainly 
hoping  to  retain  an  attitude  purely  defensive. 
New  York  was  particularly  adverse  at  first  to 
Arnold's  project,  but  had  voted  to  raise  four 
regiments  for  the  defence  of  the  colony.  To 
these  four  regiments  was  added  another  from 
the  New  Hampshire  grants ;  and  Colonel  Seth 
Warner  was  commissioned  under  the  authority 
of  the  continental  congress  to  command  this 
regiment  of  Green  Mountain  Boys.  Five 
thousand  men  were  voted  for  the  northern  ser- 
vice, including  the  regiments  above  named,  and 
the  Connecticut  regiments  in  garrison  on  Lake 


1775.]  ACTIVITY  OF   CARLETON.  "71 

Ohamplain.  The  command  of  this  force  was 
given  to  Major-Generals  Philip  Schuyler  and 
Richard  Montgomery. 

Rumours  prevailed  that  the  British  govern- 
ment was  making  exertions  to  induce  the  Ca- 
nadians and  Indians  to  fall  upon  the  frontier  of 
the  colonies.  It  was,  therefore,  decided  to  in- 
vade the  province ;  and  it  was  proposed  to  de- 
tail two  thousand  men  for  that  purpose.  These 
men  united  with  their  warlike  mission  a  sort  of 
political  propagandists  They  were  to  treat  the 
Canadians  as  friends  and  brothers,  and  were 
plentifully  provided  with  such  ammunition  as 
proclamations  and  circular  letters,  exhorting  the 
Canadians  to  arouse  and  assert  their  liberties, 
and  declaring  that  the  Americans  entered  their 
country  not  as  enemies,  but  as  friends  and  pro- 
tectors. Gen.  Schuyler  was  authorized,  "should 
he  find  the  measure  not  disagreeable  to  the  Ca- 
nadians" to  take  possession  of  St.  John's  and 
Montreal. 

General  Carleton,  the  governor  of  Canada, 
was  a  man  possessed  of  great  energy  and  ad- 
dress, or  he  would  not  have  been  able  to  save  the 
province  to  his  royal  master.  Expectation  in 
England  was  very  much  disappointed  in  rela- 
tion to  the  conduct  of  the  Canadians.  Twenty 
thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  other  military 
stores  were  sent  out  to  Canada,  to  equip  the  in- 
habitants, who,  it  was  supposed,  would  readily 


72  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

enlist ;  and  in  lieu  of  transporting  troops  from 
Europe,  the  Canadians  were  to  be  used  to  over- 
whelm their  rebellious  neighbours.  But  the  Ca- 
nadians absolutely  refused  to  march  out  of  the 
province.  They  would  defend  it,  if  attacked, 
but  not  embark  in  a  quarrel  which  they  did  not 
understand.  The  Bishop  of  Quebec  was  ap- 
pealed to,  but  very  properly  refused  to  aid  Gene- 
ral Carleton  by  an  episcopal  mandate.  The 
clergy  issued  letters,  and  the  seigneurs  interested 
themselves,  but  the  principal  effect  which  these 
conflicting  appeals  from  both  sides,  American 
and  British,  produced,  was  to  make  the  great 
body  of  the  people  remain  neutral,  although 
some  of  them  enlisted  in  both  armies.  The 
American  proclamations,  however,  secured  the 
invaders  from  molestation  from  the  Canadians, 
except  when  the  latter  were  compelled  by  the  pre- 
sence of  British  regulars  to  take  part  in  the  contest. 
The  provision  of  materials  for  boat  building, 
found  at  Ticonderoga,  at  the  time  of  its  capture 
by  the  Americans  in  the  spring,  now  came  into 
service.  While  preparations  were  maturing  for 
the  invasion,  intelligence  was  received  that  Gene- 
ral Carleton,  with  characteristic  energy,  was 
pushing  forward  to  check  it ;  and  fearing  that  he 
would  get  possession  of  the  lake,  and  thus  turn 
their  projected  invasion  into  a  defence  of  their 
own  territory,  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgo- 
mery, in  August,  proceeded  down  the  lake  to 


1775.]     ADVANCE  OF  MONTGOMERY.       73 

Isle  Aux  Noix,  an  islet  in  the  Sorel  River,  com- 
manding its  navigation,  and  there  prepared  to 
defend  the  passage.  From  thence  they  circulat- 
ed letters  and  proclamations  through  the  adja- 
cent country ;  and  on  the  6th  of  September  weie 
permitted  to  advance  without  molestation  toward 
St.  John's.  .This  is  a  town  at  the  head  of  the 
navigation  of  the  river,  and  an  important  point. 
A  landing  was  effected,  the  place  was  reconnoi- 
tered,  and  after  a  skirmish  with  an  Indian  party 
in  which  the  savages  were  repulsed,  the  Ameri- 
cans fell  back  to  the  Isle  Aux  Noix.  They 
found  St.  John's  too  well  garrisoned  and  defend- 
ed to  be  assaulted  without  artillery. 

General  Schuyler  went  back  to  Albany  to 
hasten  forward  supplies,  and  left  Montgomery  in 
charge.  On  the  17th,  having  received  reinforce- 
ments, General  Montgomery  pushed  forward  for 
a  second  attempt  on  St.  John's.  The  place  was 
garrisoned  by  nearly  all  the  regular  troops  in 
the  province,  some  six  or  eight  hundred  men, 
and  was  well  supplied  with  artillery  and  the 
munitions  of  war.  The  first  duty  of  Montgo- 
mery was  to  gain  over  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  and  to  detach  the  Indians  who  had 
joined  General  Carleton.  He  wished  to  secure 
himself  from  being  compelled  to  raise  the  siege 
by  enemies  without  the  town ;  and  in  this  under- 
taking he  appears  fully  to  have  succeeded.  Par- 
ties of  his  troops  were  scattered  over  the  country, 


74  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

and  were  favourably  received  by  the  Canadians. 
The  settlers  were,  it  may  well  be  supposed,  very 
willing  to  enter  into  a  compromise  which  left  the 
invasion  entirely  an  affair  between  their  British 
masters  and  the  invaders,  while  their  own  pro- 
perty was  secure  from  molestation  or  injury. 

Colonel  Allen,  who  of  course  accompanied  the 
expedition,  had  command  of  one  of  these  recon- 
noitering  parties  of  eighty  men.  A  portion  of 
these  were  Green  Mountain  Boys — the  residue 
Canadians.  As  Allen  had  commenced  the  suc- 
cesses of  the  American  arms  by  the  seizure  of  Ti- 
•conderoga  and  Crown  Point,  he  was  easily  per- 
suaded that  Montreal,  at  that  time  the  head- 
quarters of  General  Carleton,  might  be  added  to 
his  list  of  captures.  A  night  attack  was  con- 
certed between  Allen  and  Major  Brown.  The 
latter,  with  two  hundred  men,  was  to  land  in  the 
night,  on  the  south  side  of  Montreal,  and  Allen 
on  the  north,  and  both  were  to  attack  the  post 
rtogether.  Allen  landed  with  a  little  band  of  about 
one  hundred  men,  but  waited  in  vain  for  his  ally, 
who  failed  to  make  his  appearance.  When  day- 
light had  made  the  surprise  of  the  place  im- 
practicable even  had  Allen  been  in  force,  he 
might  still  have  saved  himself  by  a  retreat,  but 
rashly  determined  to  maintain  his  position.  He 
was  overpowered  by  a  superior  force ;  and  after 
a  desperate  resistance,  in  which  fifteen  of  his 
men  were  killed,  ar  1  several  wounded,  he  was 


1775.]  ALLEN'S  CAPTIVITY.  76 

taken  prisoner  together  with  thirty-eight  of  his 
followers.  General  Carleton  refused  to  recog- 
nise these  captives  as  prisoners  of  war.  They 
were  loaded  with  irons  as  felons,  and  sent  to 
England  for  trial.  Such  was  the  issue  of  a  rash 
attempt,  made  by  Allen  without  orders.  Gene- 
ral Carleton  based  his  treatment  on  the  plea  that 
Allen  was  not  a  commissioned  officer,  but  a  leader 
of  banditti. 

At  a  subsequent  period  in  our  history,  the 
name  of  this  brave  but  erratic  man  will  again 
appear  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the 
state  ;  and  we  may  here  give  his  private  history 
until  that  reappearance.  Allen  published  a  nar- 
rative of  the  events  of  his  captivity,  written  in 
his  usual  strange  style,  but  bearing  the  appear- 
ance of  truthfulness.  He  was  confined  with  his 
companions  in  a  small  apartment,  on  board  of 
the  vessel,  with  hand-cuffs  upon  their  wrists. 
Perhaps  the  idea  which  he  gave  of  his  prowess 
at  the  time  of  his  capture,  may  have  contributed 
to  this  harsh  treatment.  If  the  intention  of 
trying  Allen  as  a  felon  was  entertained  by  his 
captors,  it  was  abandoned.  After  a  month's  im- 
prisonment in  Pendennis  Castle,  near  Falmouth, 
he  was  sent  back  to  America.  For  five  months 
he  was  kept  at  Halifax,  and  thence  transferred 
to  New  York.  On  the  passage  a  plan  was  pro- 
jected among  the  prisoners,  of  whom  there  were 
many,  to  kill  the  English  captain,  and  seize  the 


76  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT^  [1775. 

frigate  in  which  they  were  transported.  But  as 
that  officer  treated  Allen  with  great  kindness,  he 
refused  to  join  the  conspiracy,  and  his  refusal 
defeated  the  plan.  Allen  was  a  prisoner  in  New 
York  a  year  and  a  half,  sometimes  confined,  and 
sometimes  at  large  on  parole.  In  May,  1778, 
he  was  exchanged,  and,  repairing  to  the  head- 
quarters of  General  Washington,  was  there 
treated  with  great  respect.  His  health  being 
shattered,  he  returned  to  Vermont  to  recruit, 
having  made  an  offer  of  his  services  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  when  his  health  should  be  re- 
stored. He  was  received  in  Vermont  by  his  old 
companions  with  great  rejoicings;  and  as  a  mark 
of  respect  and  confidence  was  appointed  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  militia  of  the  state,  but 
never  had  occasion  to  act  in  a  military  capacity. 
He  resumed  his  pen,  and  besides  the  narrative  of 
his  captivity,  published  a  "  Vindication  of  the 
opposition  of  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont  to  the 
government  of  New  York,  and  of  their  right  to 
form  an  independent  state." 

To  return  to  our  narrative.  General  Schuyler 
was  prevented  by  sickness  from  accompanying 
the  invading  forces,  and  the  command  devolved 
upon  General  Montgomery.  The  force,  by  the 
arrival  of  reinforcements  and  the  addition  of 
Canadian  volunteers,  was  now  swelled  to  between 
two  and  three  thousand  men,  but  they  were  wo- 
fully  deficient  in  military  stores.  Understanding 


1775.]  SIEGE  OF  ST.  JOHN'S.  77 

that  the  little  fortress  of  Chambly  contained  a 
large  quantity  of  the  munitions  of  war,  Mont- 
gomery detailed  a  force  against  it,  under  Majors 
Brown  and  Livingston.  The  place  was  carried, 
after  a  short  resistance,  on  the  18th  of  October, 
and  the  garrison,  about  one  hundred  men,  sur- 
rendered prisoners  of  war.  The  standard  of  the 
7th  Regiment  was  taken,  and  immediately  for- 
warded to  congress,  the  first  trophy  which  they 
received.  But  what  was  much  more  valuable  to 
the  besiegers,  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  bar- 
rels of  gunpowder,  and  a  large  quantity  of  mili- 
tary stores  and  provisions. 

With  this  seasonable  supply,  Montgomery  re- 
newed the  siege  of  St.  John's  with  increased 
vigour.  The  garrison,  momently  expecting  that 
the  siege  would  be  relieved  by  General  Carleton, 
defended  the  post  with  courage  and  resolution. 
Carleton  made  great  exertions  to  raise  a  force 
for  the  purpose,  but  the  determination  of  the 
Canadians  to  keep  as  far  as  possible  out  of  the 
contest,  made  the  raising  of  a  proper  force  ex- 
ceedingly difficult.  He  was  able  to  muster  only 
one  thousand  men,  including  a  few  regulars,  the 
militia  of  Montreal,  Canadians  and  Indians.  An- 
other body  of  troops  under  the  veteran  officer, 
Colonel  McLean,  was  posted  at  the  junction  of 
the  Sorel  with  the  St.  Lawrence.  These  troops 
were  the  remains  of  a  Highland  brigade,  which 
had  settled  in  Canada,  and  with  some  other 
7* 


78  HISTORY    OF    VERMONT.  [1775. 

Scotch    emigrants    were    re-mustered   into    the 
service. 

It  was  of  the  last  importance  to  General 
Carleton  to  effect  a  junction  with  Col.  McLean. 
For  this  purpose  he  attempted  to  land  at  Longue- 
isle,  opposite  Montreal.  But  Colonel  Seth 
Warner,  with  his  Green  Mountain  regiment, 
who  had  detected  and  watched  the  movement, 
opened  suddenly  upon  them  such  a  well-directed 
and  incessant  fire  of  musketry,  and  grape  from  a 
single  cannon,  that  the  enemy  was  thrown  into 
the  greatest  confusion,  and  soon  driven  into  a 
disorderly  retreat.  As  General  Carleton's  com- 
mand was  largely  composed  of  Canadians,  it  was 
impossible  to  rally  them,  or  lead  them  against 
the  disadvantages  of  position,  which  only  veterans 
would  have  overcome.  The  rout  was  complete. 
When  the  news  of  this  reverse  reached  McLean, 
at  his  position  at  the  junction  of  the  Sorel,  he 
saw  the  inutility  of  holding  that  post.  His 
Canadian  allies  deserted  him  to  a  man.  Having 
heard  also  that  Quebec  was  threatened,  he  re- 
treated with  his  Highlanders  to  that  important 
point.  Colonel  Warner  immediately  took  pos- 
session of  the  post  which  McLean  had  abandon- 
ed, and  proceeded  to  erect  batteries,  to  arm 
rafts,  and  take  other  measures  which  effectually 
commanded  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  and  shut 
off  the  vessels  at  Montreal  from  escaping  down 
the  river. 


1775.]          CAPITULATION    OF   ST.    JOHN'S.  79 

General  Montgomery,  upon  receiving  the  gra- 
tifying intelligence  of  the  defeat  of  General 
Carleton  by  Colonel  Warner,  at  once  advised 
the  commander  of  the  garrison  at  St.  John's  of 
the  fact,  and  summoned  him  to  surrender.  As 
all  hope  of  relief  was  now  gone,  and  to  contend 
further  would  have  been  madness,  the  garrison, 
on  the  3d  of  November  capitulated,  being  al- 
lowed the  honours  of  war.  They  were  treated 
with  the  greatest  courtesy  by  General  Montgo- 
mery. The  regulars,  five  hundred  in  number, 
were  sent  by  the  way  of  Ticonderoga,  into  the 
interior  of  New  England.  The  English  com- 
mander had  endeavoured  to  obtain,  in  his  capitu- 
lation, permission  for  the  garrison  to  go  to  Eng- 
land, but  this  General  Montgomery  positively 
refused ;  although  the  manner  in  which  he  dic- 
tated his  terms  to  the  vanquished,  elicited  this 
strong  praise  from  an  English  contemporary 
historian  :  "In  all  transactions  with  our  forces. 
Montgomery  wrote,  spoke,  and  behaved  with  that 
attention,  regard,  and  politeness  to  both  private 
men  and  officers,  which  might  be  expected  from 
a  man  of  worth  and  honour,  who  found  himself 
involved  in  an  unhappy  quarrel  with  his  friends 
and  countrymen."  As  an  illustration  of  the  ex- 
pectations of  an  early  accommodation,  still  en- 
tertained, we  may  remark  that  while  the  officers 
were  permitted  to  retain  their  swords,  their 
other  arms,  it  was  promised,  should  be  restored 


80  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

to  them  when  the  difficulty  between  the  parent 
country  and  the  colonies  should  pass  away. 

General  Montgomery  followed  up  his  advan- 
tage by  presenting  himself  before  Montreal. 
General  Carleton  with  his  regulars  retreated  to 
the  flotilla,  and  Montreal  surrendered  to  Mont- 
gomery, who  occupied  the  place  with  his  troops. 
Vigorous  preparations  were  now  made  to  attack 
the  vessels  of  Carleton,  but  that  officer  made  his 
escape  in  a  boat  with  muffled  oars,  during  a  dark 
night,  and  hastened  to  Quebec.  The  vessels, 
with  their  stores  and  munitions,  were  captured 
by  the  Americans ;  and  the  residue  of  the  Bri- 
tish force,  in  an  attempt  to  escape,  were  also 
captured.  Had  Carleton  himself  but  been  among 
the  prisoners,  the  Canadian  invasion  would  have 
ended  in  a  complete  triumph. 

Montgomery  now  pushed  on  for  Quebec.  But 
his  force  was  reduced  by  the  discharge  of  men 
whose  term  of  enlistment  had  expired,  and  by 
the  necessity  of  leaving  garrisons  at  the  forts 
he  had  captured,  in  order  to  keep  open  the  com- 
munication with  Lake  Champlain.  Only  three 
hundred  men  followed  him  on  his  expedition 
against  the  capital  of  Canada.  The  winter 
march  had  its  terrors,  for  it  was  near  the  close 
of  November  before  it  commenced.  However, 
the  woollens  and  other  commissariat  stores 
found  in  Montreal,  in  part  abated  the  rigors  of 
the  service. 


1775.]    MARCH    THROUGH    THE    WILDERNESS.      81 

While  the  events  which  we  have  enumerated 
took  place  along  the  St.  Lawrence,  one  of  the 
most  arduous  military  feats  of  the  Revolutionary 
war  was  going  on  in  another  quarter.  To  take 
advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  Canadian  force 
from  Quebec,  an  expedition  was  planned  to  reach 
that  city,  by  a  march  through  the  forests  of 
Maine,  and  either  reduce  it  in  the  deficiency  of 
its  defenders,  or  compel  General  Carleton  to  with- 
draw troops  from  Montreal  for  the  defence  of 
Quebec,  and  thus  insure  success  to  the  American 
attempt  on  Montreal.  After  a  march  attended 
with  almost  incredible  hardships,  Arnold  ap- 
peared before  Quebec  on  the  9th  of  November. 
The  march  had  occupied  about  six  weeks  ;  and 
from  the  time  of  leaving  the  last  settlement  on 
the  Kennebec,  to  which  point  they  were  trans- 
ported with  comparative  ease,  the  remainder  of 
their  route  lay  through  an  uninhabited  wilder- 
ness. The  command  originally  consisted  of 
about  a  thousand  men  ;  but  one-third,  composing 
the  rear  division,  turned  back  on  account  of  the 
scarcity  of  provisions,  and  with  the  rest  Arnold 
gallantly  persevered.  He  had  no  other  guide 
than  the  journal  of  a  British  officer,  who  had 
made  the  same  journey  some  years  before.  But 
he  was  supported  by  the  gallantry  of  his  troops, 
who  displayed  a  courage  and  fortitude  in  suffer- 
ing never  exceeded  in  the  annals  of  warfare. 
When  at  length  they  reached  the  scattered  habi- 


82  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1775. 

rations  of  the  Canadians,  their  last  morsel  of 
food  was  consumed. 

Bare  time  was  taken  to  refresh  the  men  and 
re-organize  the  troops,  over  whom  there  had  been 
little  attempt  at  discipline  for  the  last  few  days 
of  famishing.  Proclamations  of  a  similar  tenor 
to  those  distributed  among  the  Canadians  by 
Montgomery  were  circulated.  An  Indian  scout 
had  been  despatched  to  inform  Generals  Schuyler 
and  Montgomery  of  the  arrival  of  Arnold  in 
Canada.  Unfortunately,  the  scout  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Colonel  McLean,  and  that  officer,  as 
before  related,  hastened  from  Sorel  to  Quebec, 
with  his  Highlanders.  When  Arnold  arrived  at 
Point  Leon,  opposite  Quebec,  the  high  winds  and 
want  of  boats  rendered  the  passage  of  the  river 
impossible.  On  the  night  of  the  14th  of  No- 
vember, he  effected  the  transportation  of  his 
troops  across — a  wonderful  feat,  when  we  con- 
sider the  frail  nature  of  his  boats,  the  danger 
of  the  rapid  current,  and  the  presence  of  the 
armed  vessels.  The  very  temerity  of  the  under- 
taking caused  its  success. 

On  landing  on  the  Quebec  side,  he  had  still 
nearly  two  miles  march  before  he  could  find  a 
place  where  the  rugged  cliffs  could  be  surmount- 
ed. But  he  marched  down  the  shore  to  Wolfe's 
cove,  and  with  his  hardy  band,  encountering  the 
same  obstacles  that  the  British  hero  had  sur- 
mounted, he  stood  at  midnight,  with  the  advance 


1775.]  ATTEMPT   ON    QUEBEC.  88 

party,  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham.  He  wished 
to  press  forward  at  once  and  attempt  a  surprise, 
but  was  overruled  by  his  officers  in  a  council  of 
war.  The  opportunity  of  a  surprise  was  lost, 
and  Arnold  had  no  artillery  or  other  implements 
required  for  an  assault.  Nearly  one-third  of  his 
muskets  had  been  rendered  useless  by  the  hard- 
ships oi'  the  march  through  the  wilderness,  and 
of  powder  there  was  not  more  than  sufficient  for 
six  or  seven  rounds  to  a  man.  Still  he  flattered 
himself  that  some  defection  in  the  town  would 
yet  put  it  into  his  hands.  He  paraded  on  the 
heights  for  some  days,  and  sent  two  flags  de- 
manding a  surrender.  But  General  McLean, 
who  had  experience  of  American  operations, 
and  who  probably  feared  what  Arnold  hoped,  re- 
fused to  suffer  any  communication  with  him,  and 
ev«;ii  fired  upon  the  flags  as  they  approached. 
Fear  united  the  disaffected ;  and  while  Arnold 
could  hold  no  intercourse  with  the  town,  and 
thus  failed  in  opportunity,  and  perhaps  in  incli- 
nation, to  assure  the  people  of  the  safety  of  their 
property,  the  heterogeneous  population  joined 
for  defence  ;  the  sailors  were  landed  to  strengthen 
the  garrison,  and  its  force  soon  exceeded  that 
of  the  besiegers.  Under  these  discouraging 
circumstances  Arnold  retired  to  Point  Aux  Trem- 
bles, to  await  the  arrival  of  General  Montgomery. 
On  his  march  he  unconsciously  passed  General 
Carleton,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Quebec. 


84  HISTORY   OF    VEKMONT.  [1776. 

Montgomery  joined  Arnold  at  the  beginning 
of  December,  and  comforted  his  half-naked  troops 
with  clothing  and  other  necessaries.  The  united 
forces  of  the  two  expeditions  did  not  exceed  a 
thousand  men,  of  whom  only  eight  hundred 
could  be  counted  effective.  It  was  truly  a  for- 
lorn and  most  desperate  condition.  The  winter 
was  too  severe  to  attempt  a  regular  siege,  and 
the  opening  of  spring  would  certainly  bring  re- 
inforcements to  the  enemy.  Under  all  these 
circumstances,  and  knowing  the  high  expecta- 
tions which  were  entertained  in  the  colonies. 
General  Montgomery  at  once  determined  on 
an  assault. 

Accordingly,  on  the  night  of  the  -3Ist  of  De- 
cember it  was  attempted.  Four  parties  ap- 
prcaclic;!  the  walls  in  four  directions,  and  the 
plan  was  so  well  concerted  that  every  part  seem- 
ed equally  threatened.  A  violent  storm  of  snow 
made  the  attack  less  expected.  Some  Canadians, 
posted  at  a  block-house,  fled  before  Montgomery, 
throwing  away  their  arms.  He  was  himself  at 
the  head  of  his  detachment,  and  the  difficulties 
of  the  way  had  lengthened  his  line  so  much  that 
he  was  compelled  to  wait  until  his  men  came  up. 
He  assisted  with  his  own  hands  to  remove  ob- 
structions. Meanwhile,  the  terror  which  the  fu- 
gitives had  occasioned  within  the  walls  some- 
what abated  ;  and  as  Montgomery  rapidly  ad- 


1776.]       DEATH  OF  MONTGOMERY.        85 

vanced  at  the  head  of  his  men,  one  or  two  of 
the  garrison  had  ventured  to  return  to  the  bat- 
tery which  commanded  the  pass.  One  of  them 
seized  a  match  and  discharged  a  gun.  This  ac- 
cidental fire  proved  fatal  to  the  enterprise  and 
its  commander.  Montgomery  fell,  and  with  him 
Captains  McPherson  and  Cheeseman,  an  orderly 
sergeant  and  a  private,  all  the  result  of  a  chance 
fire.  The  party,  dispirited,  instantly  retreated,- 
and  the  whole  strength  of  the  garrison  was 
turned  to  the  repulse  of  Arnold.  Of  the  four 
apparent  attacks  two  were  feints,  those  only  com- 
manded by  Arnold  and  Montgomery  being  real. 
Arnold  was  thrown  out  of  the  combat  by  a  ball 
which  shattered  his  leg,  and  he  was  carried  off  the 
field.  Captain  Daniel  Morgan  then  led  the  at- 
tack, but  succeeded  only  in  forcing  his  way  into 
a  place  from  which,  after  a  bloody  contest,  his 
retreat  was  cut  off.  He  was  compelled,  with 
three  hundred  and  forty  men,  to  surrender ;  and 
the  loss  in  killed,  principally  in  Arnold's  divi- 
sion, was  over  sixty. 

We  have  pursued  this  account  of  the  invasion 
of  Canada  with  the  more  minuteness,  since  its 
way  lay  through  Vermont;  and  the  seizure  of  the 
posts  on  Lake  Champlain,  by  which  the  enter- 
prise was  suggested,  was  the  work  of  the  Green 
Mountain  Boys.  They  aided  largely  in  the 
successful  operations  on  the  Sorel  River.  And 

8 


86  HISTORY  OF   VERMONT.  [1776. 

they,  too,  were  active  in  the  events  which  fol- 
lowed the  disastrous  retreat,  which  was  at  last 
compensated  for  by  the  capture  of  Burgoyne. 
To  the  history  of  Vermont,  more  than  to  that  of 
any  other  of  the  states,  does  this  passage  in  our 
annals  belong. 

By  the  abortive  attempt  on  Canada,  the  fact 
was  demonstrated  that  a  union,  by  the  free  will 
of  the  Canadians,  to  the  other  colonies  was  not 
to  be  counted  upon.  They  would  cheerfully, 
perhaps,  have  acquiesced  could  the  other  pro- 
vinces have  expelled  the  British  from  them ;  but 
they  seemed  willing  to  incur  neither  loss,  expo- 
sure, nor  expense  for  the  advancement  of  either 
party.  And  when  they  perceived  that  the  con- 
tinental congress,  instead  of  sending  an  army 
into  Canada  to  hold  it  against  the  British,  and 
to  enrich  the  province  by  the  purchase  of  sup- 
plies, relied  upon  the  efforts  of  the  Canadians 
themselves,  they  became  very  loyal  subjects  of 
Great  Britain ;  particularly  in  the  expectation 
of  the  arrival  of  British  reinforcements. 

Colonel  Arnold  fell  back  three  miles  from 
Quebec,  and  with  wonderful  perseverance  and 
hardihood  put  on  a  complexion  of  confidence 
which  retained  the  respect  of  the  Canadians. 
The  remains  of  his  shattered  force  were  kept  to- 
gether, and  through  the  winter  the  blockade  of 
Quebec  was  kept  up.  General  Carleton  attempt- 
ed no  sorties;  and  behind  their  ramparts  of  ice 


1776.]  UNION   OP   THE   COLONIES.  87 

and  snow,  the  gallant  Kttle  besieging  party 
awaited  succour.  Despatches  had  been  sent  to 
Montreal  for  assistance,  and  in  the  colonies  ef- 
forts were  immediately  made  to  raise  and  forward 
reinforcements. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  people  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants  apply  to  congress 
for  advice — Their  anomalous  position — Convention  at  Dorset 
and  petition  to  congress — The  memorial  withdrawn — Re- 
sumption of  operations  in  Canada — Difficulties  of  Arnold 
with  the  Canadians — Breaking  out  in  camp  of  the  small-pox 
— Arnold  takes  command  at  Montreal,  and  is  succeeded 
by  General  Thomas  before  Quebec — Arrival  of  relief  to 
Quebec — Retreat  of  the  Americans  to  Sorel — Death  of 
General  Thomas — Unfortunate  attempt  to  surprise  Three 
Rivers — Retreat  to  St.  John's — To  Isle  Aux  Noix — To 
Ticonderoga — General  Sullivan  is  superseded  by  General 
Gates — Organization  of  a  naval  force — Difficulties  with 
which  it  was  attended  —  British  preparations — General 
Arnold  appointed  to  command  the  American  flotilla — En- 
gagt'inent  on  the  llth  of  October — Great  superiority  of  the 
British  force — Renewed  engagement  on  the  13th — Gallant 
conduct  of  Arnold — Summary  of  results — Sir  Guy  Carleton 
menaces  Ticonderoga,  but  returns  to  winter  quarters  without 
mi  attack. 

CONGRESS  now  (1775-6)  had  representatives 
from  the  Thirteen  United  Colonies,  Georgia 
having  come  into  the  confederation,  and  New 
York  being  convinced  that  temporizing  measures 
would  serve  no  longer.  The  Green  Mountain 


88  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1776. 

Boys,  although  they  had  a  regiment  in  the  con- 
tinental army,  were  as  yet  unassigned,  and  be- 
longed to  no  government.  In  this  difficulty, 
probably  influenced  by  the  example  of  Massa- 
chusetts, they  sent  deputies  to  Philadelphia  to 
ask  advice  oi  congress  as  to  what  course  it  was 
best  for  them  to  pursue.  But  these  gentle- 
men had  not  the  advantage  of  membership  of 
that  body,  and  could  only  obtain  informal  and 
individual  counsel.  The  opinion  of  several  lead- 
ing members  was,  that  they  should  form  a  tempo- 
rary association  for  the  management  of  the 
business  of  the  whole  population  on  the  New 
Hampshire  grants,  and  conduct  their  local  af- 
fairs by  committees. 

The  people  had  already  adopted  these  sugges- 
tions. Their  government  had  been  managed  by 
meetings  of  towns,  by  committees,  officers,  and 
by  leaders — sometimes  appointed  in  public  meet- 
ings, and  sometimes  acting  by  the  implied  con- 
sent of  the  public.  This  state  of  things,  par- 
ticularly west  of  the  mountains,  had  grown  out 
of  the  necessity  for  union  to  resist  the  aggres- 
sions of  New  Yurk.  But  now  that  the  need  of 
association  to  resist  the  overt  acts  of  that  pro- 
vince had  ceased,  the  people  began  to  feel  their 
anomalous  position.  They  were  willing  to  take 
part  in  the  struggle  against  Great  Britain,  but 
they  were  not  willing  to  be  mustered  into 
the  service  as  belonging  to  the  province  or 


1776.]  CONVENTION   AT   DORSET.  89 

colony  of  New  York  ;  for  such  an  admfcsston 
would  be  a  virtual  surrender  of  all  they  had 
been  contending  for.  And  they  desired  some- 
thing more  positive  than  the  unofficial  recom- 
mendations of  members  of  congress  in  their 
private  capacity. 

In  order  to  procure  some  definite  arrangement, 
the  people  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants  met  in 
convention  at  Dorset,  on  the  16th  ofy  January. 
1776.  They  drew  up  a  memorial,  which  they 
styled  "  The  humble  petition,  address,  and  re- 
monstrance of  that  part  of  America,  being  situ- 
ated south  of  Canada  line,  west  of  Connecticut 
River,  commonly  called  and  known  by  the  name 
of  the  New  Hampshire  grants."  They  avowed 
their  readiness,  in  this  memorial,  to  bear  a  full 
proportion  for  the  support  of  the  contest  in 
which  the  colonies  were  engaged ;  they  ex- 
pressed their  zeal  in  the  common  cause,  and 
their  willingness  to  be  called  upon  whenever 
congress  should  judge  it  necessary.  But  they 
declared  their  reluctance  to  put  themselves  under 
the  provincial  government  of  New  York,  because 
they  would  do  nothing  which  might  afterward  be 
construed  into  an  acknowledgment  of  the  au- 
thority of  that  province.  And  they  concluded 
by  requesting  that  whenever  comgress".should  find 
jt  necessary  to  call  upon  them,  they  should  not 
be  called  upon  as  inhabitants  of  New  York,  or 
as  persons  subject  to  the  limitations,  restrictions, 
8* 


90  HISTORY   OP  VERMONT.  [1776. 

or  regulations  of  the  militia  of  that  province, 
but  as  inhabitants  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants. 
And  they  prayed  that  whatever  commissions 
should  be  granted  to  any  of  their  inhabitants, 
might  be  so  worded  as  to  respect  their  position 
in  this  particular. 

The  effect  of  action  upon  this  petition,  by 
congress,  would  have  been  to  determine  the 
points  in  dispute  between  the  contending  parties. 
It  is  true  that  an  effort  was  made  to  pursue  a 
middle  course.  The  committee  to  whom  the  me- 
morial was  referred,  reported  a  recommendation 
that  the  petitioners  should  submit  for  the  present 
to  the  government  of  New  York,  and  assist  their 
countrymen  in  the  contest  with  Great  Britain ; 
but  that  such  submission  ought  not  to  prejudice 
their  right  to  any  land  in  controversy,  or  be  con- 
strued to  affirm  or  admit  the  jurisdiction  of  New 
York,  when  the  troubles  then  existing  should  be 
ended.  Mr.  Heman  Allen,  the  agent  of  Ver- 
mont, justly  considered  that  this  report,  if 
adopted,  and  its  resolution  passed,  would  weaken 
the  position  of  the  petitioners,  by  putting  them 
in  an  antagonistic  position  with  congress  if  they 
refused  to  submit,  as  he  judged  they  would ;  or 
would  do  prejudice  to  their  cause  with  New  York 
if  they  acceded,  the  promise  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  Under  such  circumstances, 
Mr.  Allen  deemed  it  prudent  to  withdraw  the 
petition,  and  he  obtained  leave  so  to  do.  The 


1776.]   DIFFICULTIES   WITH    THE   CANADIANS.    91 

petition  was  withdrawn  on  the  4th  of  June.  One 
month  later  congress  published  the  Declaration 
of  Independence. 

With  the  opening  of  spring,  Arnold  resume! 
active  operations  against  Quebec,  as  far  as  his 
circumstances  would  admit.  Reinforcements 
were  under  orders  from  the  United  Colonies,  but 
the  nature  of  the  route  they  were  obliged  to 
take,  and  the  severity  ot  the  Canadian  winter, 
impeded  their  advance,  and  on  the  1st  day  of 
May,  1776,  the  American  force  before  Quebec 
did  not  exceed  nineteen  hundred  men.  The  po- 
sition of  the  army  in  reference  to  the  Canadians 
had  become  most  unfortunate.  While  Wash- 
ington declared,  in  a  letter  to  General  Schuyler, 
that  "  Canada  could  only  be  secured  by  laying 
hold  of  the  affections  of  the  people,  and  engaging 
them  heartily  in  the'common  cause  ;"  and  while 
congress  fully  endorsed  this  opinion  by  their 
acts  and  resolutions,  circumstances  entirely  frus- 
tra.ted  this  enlightened  policy.  After  the  death 
of  Montgomery,  who  had  all  the  suavity  of  the 
gentleman  united  to  the  courage  of  the  soldier, 
the  efforts  to  conciliate  the  people,  which  had 
formed  a  part  of  the  plan  of  the  invasion,  were 
interrupted.  The  priests  were  neglected,  and 
their  wavering  course  now  terminated  in  adhe- 
sion to  the  cause  of  the  crown.  A  commission, 
consisting  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Samuel  Chase,  and 
Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton,  was  sent  by  con- 


92  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.      •  [1776. 

gress  into  Canada  with  full  powers  to  treat  with 
the  provincials.  But  the  mission  was  too  late, 
and  did  not  reach  Montreal  until  the  tide  had  so 
completely  turned  that  the  invasion  was  aban- 
doned as  hopeless. 

Congress  bad  resolved  that  those  Canadians 
who  adhered  to  the  American  cause  should  be 
compensated  for  any  injury  that  they  might  suf- 
fer. But  this  resolution  weighed  little  against 
the  stubborn  facts  and  necessities  of  the  case. 
To  supply  the  wants  of  the  army,  General  Arnold 
issued  a  proclamation  making  paper  money  cur- 
rent, and  promising  to  redeem  it  in  four  months, 
and  declaring  those  enemies  who  should  refuse 
to  receive  it.  Military  orders  proved  no  better 
than  civil  edicts  in  giving  value  to  a  valueless 
currency,  and  great  discontents  were  caused 
among  the  Canadians  by  th*e  effort  at  coercion. 
General  Carleton  made  good  use  of  the  dissatis- 
faction of  the  Canadians,  and  was  not  without 
hope  of  raising  the  siege  of  Quebec  through 
their  assistance.  Early  in  the  spring  he  de- 
tached sixty  men  from  the  garrison,  to  form  the 
nucleus  of  a  relieving  force.  The  Canadians 
were  joining  it  in  great  numbers  when  Arnold 
sent  a  detachment,  which  routed  the  party. 
Arnold  had  despatched  an  express  to  Wooster, 
who  was  at  Montreal,  to  bring  succours  and  as- 
sume the  command.  Wooster  arrived  on  the  1st 
of  April,  and  on  the  next  day  Arnold  received 


1776.]  SMALL-POX   IN   THE   CAMP.  93 

an  injury  by  the  fall  of  his  horse,  which  confined 
him  for  some  time  to  his  bed. 

To  add  to  the  discomfort  and  peril  of  the 
Bmall  American  force,  the  small-pox  now  broke 
out  among  the  troops.  So  great  was  the  terror 
from  this  loathsome  disease,  that  it  was  with 
difficulty  the  army  could  be  saved  from  total 
dispersion.  Discipline  and  order  were  out  of 
the  question  ;  and  the  ineffectiveness  of  the  be- 
sieging force  was  increased  by  the  fact  that  the 
soldiers,  in  defiance  of  orders  to  the  contrary, 
inoculated  themselves,  as  that  course  was  under- 
stood to  diminish  the  danger  of  the  disease. 
General  Arnold  retired  to  Montreal  and  took 
command  of  that  post. 

General  Thomas,  who  had  been  appointed  by 
congress  to  the  command  of  the  Canadian  army, 
arrived  at  the  carnp  near  Quebec  on  the  first  of 
May.  He  found  the  small  force  so  enfeebled  by 
sickness,  that  not  more  than  nine  hundred  men 
were  effective,  and  of  these  three  hundred  were 
entitled  to  their  discharge,  and  clamorously  de- 
manded it.  Some  show  of  operations  had  been 
made  against  Quebec;  but  under  the  disadvan- 
tage of  want  of  men  and  munitions  nothing  waa 
accomplished.  Early  in  May,  the  British  ship 
Isis — name  ominous  of  hope  to  the  royalists — 
forced  her  way  up  to  Quebec  with  men  and  sup- 
plies. General  Thomas,  before  this  arrival,  had 
determined  upon  falling  back,  and  teams  and 


94  HISTORY   OF   YERMONT.  [1776. 

men  were  promised  by  the  inhabitants  to  assist 
in  the  removal  of  stores.  But  the  fickle  Cana- 
dians went  over  to  the  royalists,  and  the  Ameri- 
can army  not  only  lost  their  aid  but  all  means 
of  an  orderly  retreat.  The  British  re-captured 
the  vessels  which  the  Americans  had  taken.  On 
the  sixth  of  May,  the  very  day  of  the  landing 
of  the  reinforcements,  General  Carleton  marched 
out  at  noon,  with  eight  hundred  men,  to  give 
battle  to  the  Americans  in  their  camp.  He 
found  it  deserted  by  all  who  were  in  a  condition 
to  travel ;  and  so  precipitate  had  the  movement 
been,  that  most  of  the  sick  and  all  the  military 
stores  fell  into  his  hands.  The  sick,  not  only  in 
camp,  but  such  as  were  in  huts  and  concealed  in 
the  woods,  were  sought  out  by  proclamation,  and 
treated  with  the  most  humane  attention.  The 
Americans  continued  their  retreat  till  they 
reached  the  junction  of  the  Sorel  and  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  there  General  Thomas  was  seized 
with  the  small-pox  and  died. 

Large  reinforcements  had  now  arrived  to  the 
assistance  of  the  British  in  Canada,  making 
their  number  about  thirteen  thousand  men. 
Their  advanced  post  was  at  Three  Rivers.  The 
Americans  at  Sorel  were  joined  by  about  four 
thousand  men  under  General  Sullivan,  who 
reached  that  post  early  in  June.  Previous  to 
his  arrival,  General  Thompson,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  command  upon  the  death  of  Gene- 


1776.]  RETREAT   TO   ST.  JOHN'S.  96 

ral  Thomas,  had  despatched  an  expedition  to 
surprise  Three  Rivers.  It  was  understood  that 
at  that  post  there  were  only  about  eight  hundred 
men,  composing  the  advance  of  the  British  army. 
General  Sullivan,  upon  assuming  the  command, 
sent  General  Thompson,  with  fourteen  hundred 
men,  to  the  aid  of  the  detachment  already  sent 
to  Three  Rivers.  The  result  was  most  disastrous. 
The  Americans,  who  had  counted  on  surprising 
the  enemy,  were  delayed  and  discovered.  They 
were  repulsed  in  the  attack  on  the  village,  and 
their  retreat  being  cut  off,  two  hundred  men  were 
made  prisoners,  including  General  Thompson  and 
Colonel  Irwin.  About  thirty  Americans  were 
killed,  while  the  British  loss  was  inconsiderable. 
On  the  14th  of  June,  having  with  him  only 
about  two  thousand  five  hundred  effective  men, 
General  Sullivan  was  compelled  to  retreat  from 
Sorel,  and  fell  back  to  Chambly.  Here  he  was 
joined  by  Arnold,  who  had  been  compelled  to 
evacuate  Montreal.  That  post  had  been  menaced 
by  a  superior  British  force,  its  outposts  having 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  who  now,  in 
full  strength,  and  flushed  with  success,  were 
driving  the  Americans  rapidly  before  them. 
The  Canadians  and  Indians,  sure  on  which  side 
the  greatest  strength  lay,  were  no  longer  passive, 
but  flocked  to  the  royal  standard.  From  Chair.- 
bly,  the  remains  of  the  American  army,  now  so 
much  inferior  to  the  British  that  resistance  was 


96  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1776. 

out  of  the  question,  fell  back  to  St.  John's.  As 
the  British  under  Carleton  entered  Chambly  on 
one  side,  the  Americans  marched  out  on  the 
other. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  Sir  Guy  Carleton  reached 
St.  John's  in  the  evening.  The  Americans  had 
retreated,  taking  every  thing  of  value.  A  detach 
ment  of  the  American  army  remained  behind  U 
complete  the  demolition  of  the  fort  and  barracks, 
and  left  the  place  just  as  the  enemy  approached. 
The  armed  vessels  on  the  Sorel  and  St.  Law- 
rence Rivers  were  destroyed  to  prevent  their 
falling  into  the  hands  of  '•the  British,  but  all  the 
baggage  of  the  army  and  nearly  all  the  stores 
were  saved.  At  Chambly  there  are  falls  in  the 
river  which  precluded  the  possibility  of  saving 
the  larger  vessels.  The  batteaux  were  dragged 
up  the  rapids,  and  served  for  the  embarkation,  of 
the  troops.  At  St.  John's  the  pursuit  by  the 
British  ceased,  as  they  had  no  flotilla  which 
could  be  carried  over  the  rapids.  General  Sul- 
livan conducted  the  retreat  with  consummate 
skill  and  caution,  and  received  the  thanks  of 
congress  for  his  conduct;  and  General  Carleton 
was  rewarded  for  repelling  the  invasion  by  the 
Order  of  the  Bath.  It  is  seldom  that  the  suc- 
cessful and  unsuccessful  both  are  complimented 
by  their  governments.  The  American  army  pro- 
ceeded up  Lake  Champlain  to  Crown  Point,  and 
thence  to  Ticonderoga,  where  General  Sullivan 


1776.J  GATES    APPOINTED    GENERAL.  97 

was  succeeded  in  the  command  by  General  Gates. 
and  measures  were  taken  to  restore  the  health 
and  recruit  the  strength  of  men,  who,  in  the 
strong  language  of  John  Adams,  were  "disgraced, 
defeated,  discontented,  dispirited,  diseased,  un- 
disciplined, eaten  up  with  vermin,  no  clothes, 
beds,  blankets,  or  medicines,  and  no  victuals  but 
salt  and  flour."  .  The  temptation  to  alliteration 
must  have  prompted  part  of  that  sentence.  De- 
feated the  army  certainly  was,  but  it  was  by  the 
rigors  of  the  climate,  and  by  a  vastly  superior 
force — defeated  but  not  disgraced.  It  was  an 
unfortunate  expedition — undertaken  under  what 
proved  to  be  a  very  wrong  estimate  of  the  cha- 
racter of  the  Canadians  ;  but  it  gave  opportu- 
nity for  the  exhibition  of  prodigies  of  valor,  re- 
markable address,  and  wonderful  endurance  of 
hardship.  The  honour  paid  to  Sir  Guy  Carleton 
by  the  British  crown  was  no  less  a  compliment 
to  the  American  army  than  to  the  successful 
general. 

Additional  troops  arrived  at  the  head-quarters 
of  General  Gates,  and  the  new  recruits  were  as- 
sembled at  Skeensboro,  (now  Whitehall,)  to  es- 
cape the  danger  of  infection  from  the  small-pox. 
A  hospital  was  established  for  the  sick,  and  by 
patient  drilling  the  effects  of  the  disasters  of 
the  late  invasion  were  corrected  in  the  older 
troops,  while  the  new  levies  were  schooled  in 
military  tactics.  Another  important  matter  also 
9 


98  HISTORY  OF   VERMONT.  [1776. 

required  attention.  It  was  well  understood  that 
the  pursuit  of  the  American  army  beyond  the 
Sorel  was  only  prevented  by  the  want  of  i  naval 
armament  on  the  part  of  the  British  ;  and  that 
they  were  as  fast  as  possible  providing  the  ne- 
cessary means  of  prosecuting  the  war.  General 
Gates  took  command  on  the  12th  of  July. 
General  Schuylcr  was  appointed  to  the  lake 
service,  and  by  the  18th  of  August  following  had 
succeeded  in  refitting,  building,  and  equipping 
fifteen  vessels  of  different  sizes.  This  work  was 
done  under  great  disadvantages,  not  the  least  of 
which  was  the  difficulty  of  procuring  shipwrights. 
The  privateers  and  national  vessels  building  at 
the  different  seaports,  employed  so  many  men, 
that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  induce  the  re- 
quisite workmen  to  go  to  Lake  Champlain.  But 
trees  were  felled  in  the  woods  and  dragged  by 
hand  to  the  lake  shore,  and  naval  equipments 
were  transported  over  roads  almost  impassable, 
with  a  vigour  and  resolution  which  marked  the 
enterprises  of  that  day,  and  which  seemed  to 
rise  in  proportion  to  the  obstacles  which  were  to 
be  surmounted. 

Meanwhile  the  British  had  obtained  vessels 
constructed  in  England  expressly  for  this  service. 
Although  it  was  found  that  the  larger  ones  could 
not  be  got  over  the  falls  of  the  Sorel  River  at 
Chambly,  this  difficulty  was  surmounted  by  taking 
them  in  pieces,  transporting  them  by  land-car- 


1776.]  NAVAL   ENGAGEMLNT.  99 

riage,  and  reconstructing  them  above  the  falls. 
'There  were  about  thirty  vessels,  ships,  schoon- 
ers, radeaux  or  rafts,  and  gun-boats,  intended 
for  attack  and  defence.  There  were  also  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  boats  for  burden  and  the 
transportation  of  troops.  These  vessels  were 
manned  by  eight  hundred  men,  drafted  from  the 
British  fleet,  besides  a  detachment  of  artillerists 
to  serve  the  guns.  There  were  more  seamen 
alone  on  board  the  British  flotilla  than  the  Ame- 
rican complement  of  sailors  and  soldiers.  The 
British  force  may  be  safely  estimated  at  double 
that  of  the  American.  The  metal  of  the  British, 
guns  was  heavier,  and  in  all  respects  their  ves- 
sels were  better  appointed. 

General  Arnold,  of  whose  nautical  experience 
we  have  before  spoken,  was  put  at  the  head  of 
the  American  flotilla,  and  most  of  the  vessels 
were  commanded  by  officers  of  the  army.  Zeal 
and  resolution,  and  the  American  faculty  of 
adaptation  to  circumstances,  stood  them  in  stead 
of  skill  and  experience.  On  the  llth  of  October, 
the  British  flotilla  offered  battle  to  the  American, 
and  presented  itself  in  full  force,  so  confident  of 
victory  that  it  came  into  the  engagement  under 
the  disadvantage  of  an  unfavourable  wind.  The 
larger  vessels  could  not  be  brought  into  action, 
but  good  service  was  done  by  the  long  boats  of 
the  British,  which  could  creep  to  windward. 
The  contest  was  kept  up  for  several  hours,  the 


100  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1776. 

Americans  maintaining  their  ground.  No  vessel 
was  captured  on  either  side,  though  two  of  the 
British  gondolas  were  destroyed,  and  an  Ameri- 
can schooner  was  burned  and  a  gondola  sunk. 
One  or  two  vessels  were  much  crippled,  and  sixty 
men,  on  the  American  side,  were  killed  or 
wounded.  The  British  acknowledged  a  loss  of 
forty.  The  British  drew  off  and  anchored  out 
of  gun-shot,  intending  to  renew  the  attack  in  the 
morning. 

Finding  that  to  contend  with  a  force  so  supe- 
rior was  out  of  the  question,  General  Arnold  got 
.under  weigh  in  the  night,  and,  favoured  by  the 
darkness  and  the  fog,  escaped  with  all  his  vessels. 
The  British  flotilla  pursued,  but  the  wind  was 
adverse,  and  slow  progress  was  made  by  either. 
On  the  12th  nothing  occurred  but  the  loss  of  one 
American  gondola,  which  was  overtaken  and 
.captured  by  the  pursuers,  and  the  abandonment 
of  others,  which  were  sunk  to  prevent  their  being 
captured.  On  the  13th,  at  noon,  the  British 
flotilla  came  within  gunshot  of  the  Americans. 
The  Congress  galley,  on  board  of  which  was 
Arnold,  and  the  Washington  galley,  General 
Waterbury,  covered  the  retreat  of  the  American 
flotilla.  The  Washington  galley,  having  been 
disabled  on  the  llth,  was  compelled  to  strike. 
Arnold,  in  the  Congress,  defended  himself  "like 
a  lion."  The  galley  carried  ten  guns,  and  was 
at  once  engaged  with  the  ship  Inflexible  of  six- 


1776.]  SUMMARY   OF   RESULTS.  101 

teen  guns,  the  schooner  Mann  of  fourteen,  and 
the  Carleton  of  twelve.  He  occupied  these 
three  vessels  long  enough  to  permit  the  escape 
of  four  or  five  of  his  flotilla,  which  made  their 
way  safe  to  Ticonderoga,  the  encounter  taking 
place  near  Crown  Point.  It  was  now  a  strug- 
gle for  trophies  on  the  one  hand,  and  for  escape 
of  men  and  destruction  of  vessels  on  the  other. 
In  spite  of  strenuous  efforts  of  the  British,  Arnold 
managed  to  run  his  galley  and  some  other  vessels 
on  shore,  and  blow  them  up  after  landing  the 
men.  The  Congress  blew  up  with  colours  flying, 
and  the  "bones"  of  the  gallant  little  craft  were 
to  be  seen  upon  the  beach  near  Otter  Creek  for 
many  years.  The  Americans  lost  eleven  vessels 
and  ninety  men.  The  British  had  one  vessel 
blown  up  and  two  sunk,  and  their  loss  in  men 
was  reported  at  fifty. 

The  character  of  the  engagement  is  thus 
stated  by  Cooper  in  his  Naval  History  of  the 
United  States.  "Although  the  result  of  this 
action  was  so  disastrous,  the  American  arms 
gained  much  credit  by  their  obstinate  resistance. 
General  Arnold,  in  particular,  covered  himself 
with  glory,  and  his  example  appears  to  have 
been  nobly  followed  by  most  of  his  officers  and 
men.  Even  the  enemy  did  justice  to  the  resolu- 
tion and  skill  with  which  the  American  flotilla 
was  managed,  the  disparity  in  the  force  render- 
ing victory  out  of  the  question  from  the  first. 
9* 


HISTORY    OF   VERMONT.  [1776. 

The  manner  in  which  the  Congress  was  fought, 
until  she  had  covered  the  retreat  of  the  galleys, 
and  the  stubborn  resolution  with  which  she  was 
defended  until  destroyed,  converted  the  disas- 
ters of  this  part  of  the  day  into  a  species  of 
triumph." 

An  attack  on  Ticonderoga  was  now  appre- 
hended. The  fortress  of -Crown  Point  had  been 
occupied  by  the  Americans  -as  an  outpost,  but 
General  Gates  withdrew  the  garrison,  destroyed 
the  fortifications,  and  every  thing  else  which 
could  not  be  removed.  He  concentrated  his 
forces  at  Ticonderoga,  and  was  soon  joined  by 
new  levies,  and  with  the  restoration  of  the  sick 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  twelve  thousand 
effectives.  Sir  Guy  Carleton  landed  his  troops 
at  Crown  Point,  and  all  eyes  were  turned  to  the 
lake  shores  as  about  to  be  the  theatre  of  a  deci- 
sive battle.  Sir  Guy  approached  Ticonderoga, 
as  if  designing  to  invest  it,  but  "  after  recon- 
noitering  the  works,  and  observing  the  steady 
countenance  of  the  garrison,  he  thought  it  too 
late  to  lay  siege  to  the  fortress.  Re-embarking 
his  army,  he  returned  to  Canada,  where  he  placed 
it  in  winter  quarters,  making  the  Isle  Aux  Noix 
his  most  advanced  post."  Thus  ended  the  Ca- 
nadian invasion,  and  the  operations  on  Lake 
Cbamplain  were  closed  for  the  year  1776. 


1776.]       DECLARATION    OF    INDEPENDENCE.       103 


CHAPTER 


Declaration  of  Independence  by  congress  —  Its  effects  —  Anec 
dote  of  Colonel  Skecn  —  Renewal  of  the  difficulty  with  New 
York  —  Action  of  the  New  York  convention  —  Counter-action 
in  Vermont  —  Convention  at  Dorset  —  Resolutions  to  support 
the  common  cause  —  Preparations  for  a  state  government  — 
Convention  at'  Westminster  —  Vermont  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence and  memorial  to  Congress  —  Counter  memorial 
from  New  York  —  Second  New  York  memorial  —  Letter  of 
Thomas  Young  to  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont  —  Third  New 
York  memorial  —  Rejection  by  congress  of  the  petition  of 
Vermont  —  Meeting  in  Vermont  to  adopt  a  constitution  — 
Action  upon  the  instrument  reported  —  Abandonment  of  Ti- 
conderoga  by  the  American  force  and  consequent  alarm. 

THE  Declaration  of  Independence,  by  which 
the  style  of  the  confederacy  Avas  changed  to  the 
THIRTEEN  UNITED  STATES,  did  not  come  sud- 
denly or  unexpectedly  upon  the  people.  It  had 
been  debated  and  considered  throughout  the 
land,  as  the  difficulties  of  maintaining  the  pro- 
fession of  allegiance  while  the  colonies  were  in 
actual  rebellion  became  more  and  more  apparent, 
and  the  absurdity  of  such  a  position  more  evi- 
dent. Great  Britain  exhibited  no  disposition  to 
conciliate  ;  the  breach  grew  wider  and  wider  ; 
and  although  the  timid  feared,  and  some  official 
steps  had  been  taken  in  several  of  the  state  le- 


104  HISTORY  OP  VERMONT.  [1776. 

gislatures  deprecating  a  "  separation  from  our 
mother  country,"  yet  when  the  deed  was  formally 
done,  men's  minds  were  relieved.  The  questions 
which  were  presented  became  less  complicated. 
All  were  narrowed  down  to  the  inquiry,  how 
successful  resistance  of  Great  Britain  could  best 
be  maintained. 

But  the  New  Hampshire  grants,  as  Vermont 
was  still  called,  were  in  a  posture  as  difficult  as 
ever.  Colonel  Skeen  had  obtained  a  commission 
from  the  British  crown,  and  returned  to  endea- 
vour to  put  it  in  force,  though  what  extent  of 
territory  was  proposed  to  annex  to  his  govern- 
ment of  Ticonderoga  nobody  knew.  Probably, 
had  he  obtained  this  commission  ten  years  be- 
fore, he  would  have  been  discovered  to  be  a  man 
after  the  Green  Mountain  Boys'  own  heart.  He 
was  brave,  bluff,  facetious,  and  hard  to  intimi- 
date. On  his  return  from  England,  in  1775,  he 
was  taken  into  custody  in  Philadelphia,  and  re- 
tained for  some  time  a  prisoner,  since  he  came 
with  authority  to  raise  a  royal  regiment.  He 
was  placed  under  guard  at  his  lodgings,  at  the 
City  Tavern  ;  and  Graydon,  in  his  memoirs,  re- 
lates the  following  amusing  incident,  of  which 
he  was  an  eye-witness.  Skeen  was  to  be  re- 
moved from  his  lodgings,  in  Philadelphia,  to  a 
place  of  greater  security,  and  the  detailing  of  a 
guard  for  this  purpose  caused  quite  a  crowd  to 
assemble.  The  weather  was  warm,  the  windows 


1776.]  DIFFICULTY   KENEWED.  105 

were  open,  and  Skeen,  having  finished  his  dinner, 
•was  discussing  his  win%  and  walnuts,  while  the 
guard  politely  waited  his  leisure.  In  compliment 
to  his  auditory,  Skeen  struck  up  "  God  save 
great  George  our  king,"  in  the  voice  of  a  sten- 
tor,  and  finished  the  song,  highly  to  the  amuse- 
ment of  the  crowd,  who  thus  got  much  more 
than  they  bargained  for.  Mr.  Graydon,  who 
afterward  met  him  when  their  positions  were 
changed,  Graydon  heing  a  prisoner  and  Skeen 
among  his  friends,  speaks  in  gratified  terms  of 
the  staunch  royalist's  consideration  and  kindness. 
He  seemed  to  be  rather  pleased  than  otherwise 
with  the  audacity  of  the  rebels,  having  that  sym- 
pathy with  their  courage  which  was  natural  to 
an  old  soldier  who  had  seen  service,  and  could 
appreciate  daring.  Such  a  man  would  have  been 
a  highly  popular  provincial  governor  for  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys ;  a;id,  as  we  shall  pre- 
sently see,  he  did  not  despair  of  that  post. 

New  York,  with  wonderful  tenacity,  continued 
her  claims  upon  the  New  Hampshire  grants. 
After  the  formal  severance  of  the  colonies  from 
Great  Britain,  the  convention  of  the  state  of 
New  York  unanimously  resolved  '-That  all  quit 
rents  formerly  due  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain, 
were  now  due  and  owing  to  this  convention,  or 
such  future  government  as  shall  hereafter  be  es- 
tablished in  this  state."  This  was  reviving  the 
old  colonial  dispute  in  a  most  unbrotherly  man- 


HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1776. 

ner ;  for  better  things  might  have  been  expected 
of  men  engaged  in  the  same  heroic  and  perilous 
cause.  The  Green  Mountain  Boys  were  resolute 
in  the  determination  not  to  submit  to  any  such 
surrender  of  their  rights,  though  to  contend 
against  New  York  would  probably  involve  them 
in  a  contest  with  congress  also.  The  course 
which  had  been  taken  upon  their  memorial  to 
congress,  showed  them  how  little  hope  they  had 
in  that  body  against  the  influence  which  New 
York  could  bring;  and  yet  to  remain  in  their 
present  condition  seemed  impossible. 

While  the  great  body  of  the  people  was  reso- 
lute in  maintaining  a  resistance  to  New  York, 
there  was  a  portion  of  the  less  daring  who  saw 
no  other  course  but  submission.  Another  party 
was  in  favour  of  joining  New  Hampshire,  and 
claiming  the  protection  of  that  state.  But  the 
leading  minds,  which  always  in  times  of  danger 
influence  the  whole  body,  were  clearly  in  favour 
of  putting  an  end  to  the  pretensions  of  New 
York  by  erecting  the  territory  into  an  inde- 
pendent state.  They  saw  no  reason  why  the 
claims  of  Great  Britain  should  fall  to  New  York, 
by  the  severance  of  the  colonies  from  the  mother 
country,  and  reasoned  that  those  claims  or  rights 
ceased,  or  became  vested  in  the  people  of  the 
grants.  In  order  to  produce  concert,  and  to  de- 
termine what  was  the  view  of  the  majority,  a 
convention  was  called  to  meet  at  Dorset,  July 


1776.]        MEETINGS'  IN  CONVENTION.  107 

24th,  1776.  Thirty-five  towns  were  represented 
in  this  convention,  by  fifty-one  delegates.  They 
agreed  to  support  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, made  by  the  Congress  of  the  Thirteen 
United  States,  and  to  enter  into  an  association 
among  themselves  for  the  defence  of  the  country 
against  Great  Britain.  But  they  firmly  adhered 
to  their  former  action  against  New  York,  and  de- 
clared that  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  New 
Hampshire  grants,  who  should  acknowledge  the 
authority  of  New  York,  should  be  deemed  ene- 
mies to  the  common  cause.  The  convention  pro- 
ceeded carefully,  and  made  their  acts  rather  ini- 
tiatory than  final ;  being  anxious  to  secure  the  co- 
operation of  the  whole  people  in  a  measure  so 
important.  The  body  adjourned  to  meet  again 
in  a  month;  and  on  the  25th  of  September,  being 
again  assembled,  they  resolved  without  any  dis- 
sentient voice,  "  to  take  suitable  measures,  as 
soon  as  may  be,  to  declare  the  New  Hampshire 
grants  a  free  and  independent  district."  And 
the  same  body  resolved  that  "no  law  or  laws, 
direction  or  directions  from  the  state  of  New 
York,  should  be  accepted." 

Having  thus  given  the  contemplated  measure 
another  degree  of  furtherance,  the  convention 
adjourned  without  day.  The  two  meetings  above 
referred  to  had  been  held  at  Dorset,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  mountains,  where  the  people  were 
most  sensitive  to  the  threatened  aggressions  of 


108  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777 

New  York.  The  next  convention  was  held  at 
Westminster,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Green 
Mountain  range,  celebrated  for  the  collision  with 
the  sheriff  and  posse,  mentioned  in  a  preceding 
chapter.  At  this  convention  delegates  were 
present  from  the  towns  in  both  sections  of  the 
territory.  In  the  four  months  which  had  elapsed 
since  the  Dorset  convention,  the  matter  had 
been  discussed  and  consulted  upon  in  all  its 
bearings,  and  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  the 
people  was  well  understood.  The  proceedings 
of  the  convention  were  in  unison  with  the  popu- 
lar voice.  This  body  assembled  on  the  15th  of 
January,  1777.  Their  proceedings  look  like 
foregone  conclusions,  for  on  the  next  day  a  de- 
claration was  unanimously  adopted,  which  finally 
determined  their  attitude.  The  declaration  was 
as  follows  : —  • 

"  This  convention,  whose  members  are  duly 
chosen  by  the  free  voice  of  their  constituents,  in 
the  several  towns  in  the  New  Hampshire  grants, 
in  public  meeting  assembled,  in  our  own  names, 
and  in  behalf  of  our  constituents,  do  hereby  pro- 
claim and  publicly  declare,  that  the  district  of 
territory  comprehending,  and  usually  known  by 
the  name  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants,  of  right 
ought  to  be,  and  is  hereby  declared  for  ever  here- 
after to  be  considered  as  a  free  and  independent 
jurisdiction  or  state;  to  be  for  ever  hereafter  call- 
ed, known,  and  distinguished  by  the  name  of  New 


1777.]  MEMORIAL   TO   CONGRESS.  109 

Connecticut,  alias  Vermont.  And  that  the  in- 
habitants that  at  present,  or  that  may  hereafter 
become  resident  within  said  territory,  shall  be 
entitled  to  the  same  privileges,  immunities,  and 
enfranchisements  which  are,  or  that  may  at  any 
time  hereafter  be  allowed  to  the  inhabitants  of 
any  of  the  free  and  independent  states  of  Ame- 
rica ;  and  that  such  privileges  and  immunities 
shall  be  regulated  in  a  Bill  of  Rights,  and  by  a 
form  of  government  to  be  established  at  the  next 
session  of  the  convention." 

Having  thus  affirmed  their  independence,  they 
drew  up  a  memorial  to  congress.  In  this  memo- 
rial they  advised  congress,  as  the  representative 
of  the  United  States,  that  they  had  taken  then- 
position  as  inhabitants  of  a  free  and  independent 
state.  They  declared  themselves  capable  of  re- 
gulating their  own  internal  police  in  all  and  every 
respect  whatsoever ;  that  they  had  the  sole  arid 
exclusive  right  of  governing  themselves,  in  such 
manner  and  form  as  they  themselves  should 
choose,  not  repugnant  to  the  resolves  of  Con- 
gress ;  and  that  they  were  at  all  times  ready,  in 
conjunction  with  their  brethren  in  the  United 
States,  to  contribute  their  full  proportion  toward 
the  maintaining  of  the  just  war  against  the 
fleets  and  armies  of  Great  Britain.  And  they 
prayed  congress  to  recognise  their  state  among 
the  states  in  the  Union,  and  to  admit  their  dele- 
gates to  a  seat  in  congress.  The  petition  was 
10 


110  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

signed,  and  presented  to  congress,  by  four  mem- 
bers of  the  convention,  elected  for  that  duty, 
Jonas  Fay,  Thomas  Chittenden,  Heman  Allen, 
and  Reuben  Jones. 

As  might  have  been  predicted,  New  York  did 
not  silently  look  on  and  suffer  these  proceedings 
to  pass  unopposed.  The  New  England  States 
•were  with  Vermont  in  feeling,  and  whatever  ex- 
pression of  opinion  was  heard  in  that  quarter, 
was  in  favour  of  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  arid 
their  new  government.  But  the  New  York  con- 
vention lost  no  time  in  making  an  interest  in 
congress  adverse  to  the  petition  of  Vermont. 
The  president  of  that  body,  under  date  of  Janu- 
ary 20th,  only  four  days  from  the  date  of  the 
declaration  of  the  Vermont  convention,  wrote 
thus  to  congress : 

"  I  am  directed  by  the  committee  of  safety 
of  New  York,  to  inform  congress  that,  by  the 
acts  and  influence  of  certain  designing  men,  a 
part  of  the  state  hath  been  prevailed  on  to  re- 
volt, and  disown  the  authority  of  its  legislature. 
The  various  evidences  and  informations  we  have 
received,  would  lead  us  to  believe  that  persons 
of  great  influence  in  some  of  our  sister  states 
have  fostered  and  fomented  these  divisions. 
But  as  these  informations  tend  to  accuse  some 
members  of  your  honourable  body,  of  being  con- 
cerned in  this  scheme,  decency  obliges  us  to  sus- 
pend this  belief.  The  committee  are  sorry  to 


1777.]         MEMORIAL   FROM    NEW   YORK.  Ill 

observe  that  by  conferring  a  commission  on 
Colonel  Warner,  with  authority  to  name  the 
officers  of  a  regiment,  to  be  raised  independently 
of  the  legislature  of  this  state,  and  within  that 
part  of  it  which^hath  lately  declared  an  inde- 
pendence upon  if,  congress  hath  given  but  too 
much  weight  to  the  insinuations  of  those  who 
pretend  that  your  honourable  body  are  determined 
to  support  those  insurgents  ;  especially  as  this 
Colonel  Warner  hath  been  constantly  and  inva- 
riably opposed  to  the  legislature  of  this  state, 
and  hath  been,  on  that  very  account,  proclaimed 
an  outlaw  by  the  late  government  thereof.  It  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  recall  the  commission 
given  to  Colonel  Warner,  and  the  officers  under 
him,  as  nothing  else  will  do  justice  to  us,  and 
convince  those  deluded  people  that  congress  has 
not  been  prevailed  upon  to  aid  in  dismembering 
a  state,  which  of  all  others  has  suffered  the  most 
in  the  common  cause." 

Again,  on  the  1st  of  March,  the  president  of 
the  New  York  convention  addressed  congress. 
In  this  memorial  New  York  appealed  to  congress 
to  adopt  "  every  wise  and  salutary  expedient  to 
suppress  the  mischief  which  must  ensue  to  that 
state,  and  the  general  confederacy,  from  the  un- 
just and  pernicious  projects  of  such  of  the  in- 
habitants of  New  York,  as  merely  from  selfish 
and  interested  motives  have  fomented  the  danger- 
ous insurrection.  That  congress  might  be  as* 


112  HISTORY   OF  VERMONT.  [1777. 

sured  that  the  spirit  of  defection,  notwithstand- 
ing all  the  arts  and  violence  of  the  seducers,  was 
by  no  means  general,  and  that  there  was  not  the 
least  probability  that  Colonel  Warner  could  raise 
such  a  number  of  men  as  would  be  an  object  of 
public  concern." 

The  affairs  of  the  new  state  of  Vermont  had 
now  arrested  the  attention  of  the  whole  country. 
We  are  not  to  suppose  that  the  dispute  between 
Vermont  and  New  York  was  considered  strictly 
upon  its  own  merits ;  nor  are  we  to  think  that 
the  influence  of  New  York  was  able  to  produce 
all  the  opposition,  which  took  place  in  congress, 
to  the  reception  of  the  new  state.  Other  states 
a3  well  as  New  York  had  their  unsettled  lands 
and  backwoodsmen  ;  and  the  danger  which  some 
politicians  saw,  was  that  new  states  would  present 
themselves  in  other  quarters,  and  the  original 
bounds  of  the  provinces  be  curtailed  and  their 
lands  subdivided.  It  was  a  difficult  matter  to 
adjust,  and  every  day  seemed  to  add  to  the  em- 
barrassment. In  April  a  paper  appeared  in  Phi- 
ladelphia, in  the  form  of  a  letter,  addressed  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Vermont.  This  pamphlet  opened 
with  a  copy  of  the  resolution  passed  by  congress, 
in  May,  1776,  which  recommended  to  the  re- 
spective assemblies  and  conventions  of  the  Unit- 
ed Colonies,  where  no  government  suitable  to 
the  exigencies  of  their  affairs  had  been  establish- 
e"d,  to  adopt  such  government  as,  in  the  opinion 


1777.J  YOUNG'S  PAMPHLET.  113 

of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  should  best 
conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of  then 
constituents. 

The  writer,  Thomas  Young,  then  went  on  to 
advise :  "  I  have  taken  the  minds  of  several 
leading  members  in  the  honourable  the  conti- 
nental congress,  and  can  assure  you  that  you 
have  nothing  to  do  but  to  send  attested  copies 
of  the  recommendation  to  take  up  government 
to  every  township  in  your  district,  and  to  invite 
all  your  freeholders  and  inhabitants  to  meet  in 
their  respective  townships,  and  choose  members 
of  a  general  convention,  to  meet  on  an  early  day, 
and  choose  delegates  to  the  general  congress  ; 
to  appoint  a  committee  of  safety,  and  to  form  a 
constitution.  Your  friends  here  tell  me  that 
some  are  in  doubt  whether  delegate*  from  your 
district  would  be  admitted  into  congress.  I  toll 
you  to  organize  fairly  and  make  the  experiment, 
and  I  will  insure  your  success,  at  the  risk  of  my 
reputation  as  a  man  of  honour  or  common  sense. 
Indeed,  they  by  no  means  refuse  you;  you  have 
as  good  a  right  to  choose  how  you  will  be  go- 
verned, and  by  whom,  as  they  had." 

The  committee  of  safety  for  the  state  of  New 
York,  now  made  a  third  appeal  to  congress.  In 
this  they  stated  that  as  a  report  prevailed,  and 
daily  gained  credit,  that  the  revolters  against  the 
jurisdiction  of  New  York  were  privately  coun- 
tenanced in  their  designs  by  certain  members  of 
10* 


114  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

congress,  the  committee  of  safety  felt  it  their 
duty  to  give  such  information  on  the  subject, 
that  congress  might  cease  to  be  injured  by  impu- 
tations so  disgraceful  and  dishonourable.  "How- 
ever unwilling,"  said  the  memorialists,  "we  may 
be  Jfco  entertain  suspicions  so  disrespectful  to  any 
member  of  congress,  yet  the  truth  is  that  no  in- 
considerable number  of  the  people  of  this  state 
do  believe  the  report  to  be  well  founded." 

.Though  exceedingly  averse  to  meddle  with  a 
business  so  complicated,  and  conscious  of  its 
want  of  power  to  enforce  any  decision  to  which 
it  might  arrive,  congress  was  compelled  at  last 
to  take  up  the  matter.  One  of  the  New  York 
delegates  laid  before  that  body  the  printed  letter 
of  Thomas  Young.  Congress  thus  compelled  to 
act,  referred  the  several  memorials  and  letters 
from  New  York  and  Vermont,  and  the  printed 
paper  signed  Thomas  Young,  to  the  committee 
of  the  whole  house,  and  on  the  30th  of  June,  a 
week  after  their  reference,  the  committee  re- 
ported, and  congress  passed,  among  others,  a  re- 
solution that  the  petition  of  Vermont  be  dis- 
missed. 

The  other  resolutions  defined  the  purpose  of 
congress  to  be  the  defence  of  the  colonies,  now 
states,  against  Great  Britain ;  and  declared  that 
as  the  members  represented  those  states  as  their 
territories  stood,  at  the  time  of  the  first  assem- 
bling of  congress,  that  body  would  recommend  or 


1777.]  PROPOSED   CONSTITUTION.  115 

countenance  nothing  injurious  to  the  rights  of 
the  communities  it  represented.  They  denied 
that  -the  inhabitants  of  the  New  Hampshire 
grants  could  derive  any  countenance  from  the 
resolution  quoted  in  Thomas  Young's  pamphlet ; 
and  they  declared  that  the  contents  of  the 
letter  of  Thomas  Young  were  derogatory  to  the 
honour  of  congress,  and  a  gross  misrepresen- 
tation of  the  resolution  of  congress  therein 
referred  to,  and  that  they  tended  to  deceive  the 
people  to  whom  they  were  addressed.  The 
commission  of  Colonel  Warner  was  explained, 
but  not  recalled. 

While  these  proceedings  were  taking  place 
in  congress,  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont  were 
proceeding  in  the  organization  of  the  new  state. 
The  same  convention  which  passed  the  decla- 
ration of  the  independence  of  Vermont,  met 
by  adjournment  at  Windsor,  on  the  first  Wed- 
nesday in  June,  and  appointed  a  committee 
to  draft  a  constitution  for  the  state.  They 
also  adopted  a  resolution  recommending  the 
several  towns  to  appoint  delegates  to  meet  in 
convention  at  Windsor,  on  the  2d  of  July,  to 
act  on  the  draft  of  the  constitution  which  would 
be  there  submitted.  Pursuant  to  this  recom- 
mendation the  convention  assembled. 

While  the  new  constitution  was  under  discus- 
sicii,  news  arrived  of  the  evacuation  of  Ticon- 
deroga  by  the  American  troops,  and  of  the  con- 


116  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

sequent  exposure  of  the  whole  western  borders 
of  Vermont  to  the  enemy.  Great  alarm  was 
felt  at  this  intelligence,  not  only  in  Vermont, 
but  in  New  York  and  Connecticut.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  convention  partook  of  the  feeling, 
and  were  for  leaving  Windsor,  and  repairing  to 
the  defence  of  their  homes.  Allen  in  his  his- 
tory of  Vermont  relates  that  the  adjournment 
was  postponed  by  a  severe  thunder  storm.  The 
members  had  time  to  reflect.  Their  attention 
was  redirected  to  their  work.  The  constitution 
was  taken  up  and  read  the  third  time.  Para- 
graph by  paragraph  was  adopted.  A  committee 
of  safety  was  appointed  to  act  during  the  recess, 
and  the  corrvention  adjourned  in  order.  Quick 
upon  the  news  of  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga,  or 
simultaneously  with  it,  came  the  intelligence  of 
the  dismissal  of  the  petition  by  congress  ;  but 
gallant  little  Vermont  was  neither  driven  from 
resistance  to  the  foreign  force  or  the  domestic 
opponents. 


1777.]          JEALOUSIES   AND    DISPUTES.  117 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Jealousies  and  disputes  among  the  continental  officers — Dislike 
of  Schuyler  by  the  New  England  troops — Schuyler  tenders 
his  resignation — Inquiry  into  his  conduct — Honourable  testi- 
monial— Ordered  to  take  command  of  the  northern  army — 
Carleton  superseded  by  Burgoyne — Activity  of  Burgoyne — 
War  feast  with  the  Iroquois — Humane  attempt  of  Burgoyne 
to  restrain  the  barbarities  of  his  Indian  allies — Its  futility — 
Manifesto  to  the  Americans — Advance  on  Ticonderoga — 
Retreat  of  St.  Clair — Death  of  Colonel  Francis — Greenleaf  s 
journal — Colonel  Francis's  watch  restored  to  his  mother — 
Concentration  of  American  forces  at  Fort  Edward — Bur- 
goyne's  halt  at  Skeensboro — Murder  of  Jane  McCrea — The 
modern  narrative — The  popular  version — 'Letter  of  Gates 
to  Burgoyne — Reply  of  the  latter. 

NOT  the  least  difficulty  in  the  management  of 
hostilities  is  found  in  the  jealousies  and  disputes 
among  the  officers  ;  the  questions  respecting  prece- 
dence, and  the  sensitiveness  of  the  military  spirit 
to  any  thing  like  insult,  oversight,  or  neglect.  The 
safety  of  a  country,  or  the  efficiency  of  an  army, 
cannot  be  sacrificed  to  the  feelings  of  an  officer, 
however  meritorious.  General  Schuyler  had 
the  misfortune  to  be  very  unpopular  with  the 
New  England  troops ;  and  reinforcements  under 
him  came  forward  with  less  spirit  than  the  exi- 
gences of  the  service  demanded.  His  demean- 
our to  the  officers  of  the  New  England  regiments, 
whether  retaliatory  for  their  dislike  to  him,  or 


HISTORY   OF  VEKMONT.  [1777. 

the  origin  of  that  dislike,  was  a  great  disadvan- 
tage to  the  service.  Probably  prejudice  against 
Schuyler  as  a  New  York  officer  had  its  effect. 
And  the  joint  command  of  the  operations  of  the 
war  by  Washington  and  the 'congress  threw  ad- 
ditional difficulties  in  the  way.  General  Schuy- 
ler's  head-quarters  were,  by  a  resolution  of  con- 
gress, March,  1776,  fixed  at  Albany.  This  re- 
solution, though  he  was  nominally  in  command, 
precluded  him  from  active  service.  As  soon  as 
the  spring  of  1777  opened,  and  the  fear  of  an 
attack  upon  Ticonderoga,  by  a  march  over  the 
ice,  was  removed,  General  Schuyler  waited  upon 
congress  with  the  intention  of  offering  his  re- 
signation. He  demanded  an  inquiry  into  his 
conduct,  which  had  been  the  subject  of  aspersion. 
A  committee  of  one  member  from  each  state 
made  the  investigation,  and  the  result  was  such 
as  to  show  that  the  general's  complaints  of  in- 
justice had  too  much  foundation.  His  services 
appeared  of  a  character  and  importance  which 
had  never  been  duly  appreciated ;  and  as  a  mea- 
sure of  reparation  the  disagreeable  resolution 
was  rescinded,  and  General  Schuyler  was  order- 
ed to  take  command  of  the  northern  army. 
But  the  compliment  to  one  was  an  insult  to  an- 
other— or  was  so  regarded.  General  Gates 
withdrew  in  displeasure. 

Meanwhile,  there  had  also  been  a  change  in 
the  British  army.     General  Burgoyne,  who  had 


1777.]  ACTIVITY   OF   BDRGOYNE.  119 

served  under  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  nad  repaired  to 
England  with  a  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
campaign  in  which  the  American  forces  were 
compelled  to  retreat.  A  plan  for  the  invasion 
of  the  states,  by  way  of  the  lakes,  was  arranged 
in  London,  and  General  Burgoyne,  upon  whose 
reports,  and  by  whose  counsel  it  was  arranged, 
came  back  with  orders  superseding  Sir  Guy  in 
the  command.  What  that  officer,  who  had  so 
much  distinguished  himself  in  repelling  invasion, 
would  have  accomplished  in  offensive  operations, 
can  only  be  subject  of  supposition ;  but  $e  re- 
sult of  General  Burgoyne's  expedition  proved 
most  fortunate  to  the  American  cause.  He  had 
under  his  command  a  splendidly  appointed  army 
of  not  less  than  eight  thousand  men,  exclusive 
of  the  Indians  and  Canadians,  who  were  ex- 
pected to  join  him,  and  for  whom  equipments 
were  forwarded  from  England. 

General  Burgoyne  entered  upon  his  duty  with 
a  zeal-  and  activity  which  indicated  his  confi- 
dence of  success.  On  the  6th  of  May  he  landed 
at  Quebec — on  the  12th  he  proceeded  to  Mon- 
treal. On  the  20th  June  he  had  already  em- 
barked a  portion  of  his  forces,  and  on  the  21st 
landed  on  the  New  York  side  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  His  movements  were  made  with  such 
celerity  as  to  make  his  presence  so  near  the 
American  posts  almost  a  surprise.  At  this  point 
he  met  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  in  a  grand 


120  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

council,  and  gave  them  a  war  feast.  The  em- 
ployment of  such  horrid  allies  is  a  disgrace  to  a 
Christian  nation,  and  gives  warfare,  cruel  enough 
at  the  best,  additional  features  of  atrocity.  It 
is  doubtless  true  that  Burgoyne,  while  he  urged 
the  Indians  to  war,  exhorted  them  to  humanity ; 
and  while  he  put  arms  in  their  hands,  endeavour- 
ed to  teach  them  forbearance.  But  words  weigh 
little  against  savage  propensities.  The  savages 
followed  their  fiendish  mode  of  warfare ;  and 
the  exasperation  which  their  conduct  produced 
contributed  no  little  to  the  zeal  with  which  an 
enemy  employing  such  aid  was  met.  General 
Burgoyne  indeed  enjoined  upon  the  Indians  that 
they  were  not  to  take  scalps  «  from  the  ^Youuded, 
or  even  from  the  dying,"  and  professed  to  de- 
mand a  strict  account  for  those  which  were  taken 
from  the  dead.  But  the  weakness  of  making 
exceptions,  while  any  scalps  were  suffered  to  be 
brought  into  his  camp,  is  too  apparent  to  need 
comment.  Who  was  to  answer  the  '"Strict  in- 
quiries," which  General  Burgoyne  professed  to 
make  respecting  these  savage  trophies  of  the  In- 
dians, which  he  admitted  his  inability  to  prevent 
them  from  taking  ! 

After  treating  with  his  Indian  allies,  General 
Burgoyne  commenced  his  operations  with  a  mani- 
festo, in  which  the  pompous  announcement  of 
his  titles  was  waggishly  said,  by  contemporary 
American  writers,  to  be  more  than  a  match  for 


1777.]  ADVANCE   ON   TICONDEROGA.  121 

all  the  force  of  the  United  States.  It  was  signed 
"  By  John  Burgoyne,  Esquire,  Lieutenant-Go- 
vernor of  His  Majesty's  forces  in  America,  Colo- 
nel of  the  Queen's  Regiment  of  Light  Dragoons, 
Governor  of  Fort  William  in  North  Britain,  one 
of  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain  in  Parliament, 
and  Commanding  an  Army  and  Fleet  employed 
on  an  Expedition  from  Canada."  In  this  pro- 
clamation he  enormously  extolled  the  British 
might  and  his  own,  and  did  not  forget  the  In- 
dians. Of  these  men,  whom,  if  we  are  to  credit 
his  assertions  in  a  subsequent  letter  to  General 
Gates  "  he  had  solemnly  and  peremptorily  pro- 
hibited" from  barbarity,  he  said,  "I  have  but  to 
give  stretch  to  the  Indian  for'ces  under  my  di- 
rection, and  they  amount  to  thousands,  to  over- 
take the  hardened  enemies  of  Great  Britain  and 
America.  I  consider  them  the  same,  wherever 
they  may  lurk."  Unfortunately  the  Indians  were 
not  able  or  anxious  always  to  distinguish  "hard- 
ened enemies"  from  friends;  and  not  a  little 
damage  was  done  to  the  royal  cause  from  the 
insecurity  of  its  provincial  friends  against  Indian 
depredations. 

Immediately  upon  the  issue  of  his  proclama- 
tion, General  Burgoyne  appearqd  before  Ticon- 
deroga.  General  Schuyler  was  absent  from  the 
fort,  having  repaired  to  Fort  Edward,  to  hasten 
forward  reinforcements  and  provisions.  Every 
effort,  consistent  with  the  shortness  of  the  time, 
11 


122  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

had  been  made  to  strengthen  the  post,  which  was 
left  in  command  of  General  St.  Glair.  On  the 
2d  of  July  a  skirmish  took  place  with  an  Ame- 
rican picket-guard,  in  which  the  British  drove 
them  in.  The  pursuers  advanced  within  two 
hundred  yards  of  the  American  batteries,  of  the 
precise  location  of  which  they  seemed  unaware. 
A  random  fire  of  artillery,  without  orders,  killed 
only  one  man,  and  the  smoke  covered  the  retreat 
of  the  rest. 

The  fortress  at  Ticonderoga  was  deemed  almost 
impregnable,  and  additional  works  had  been 
thrown  up  on  Mount  Independence,  a  hill  on  the 
east  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  But  the  works 
were  nevertheless  overlooked  by  a  high  hill, 
called  Sugar  Hill,  or  Mount  Defiance.  This 
eminence  had  not  been  fortified,  for  the  double 
reason  that  it  was  considered  impracticable,  and 
that  the  Americans  were  not  in  force  to  man 
their  present  works  properly.  The  garrison 
consisted  of  less  than  three  thousand  five  hun- 
dred men.  But  to  their  surprise,  on  the 
5th  of  July,  they  found  the  British  erecting  a 
battery  on  Sugar  Hill,  hoisting  the  cannon  from 
tree  to  tree.  This  would  command  all  the  Ame- 
rican works ;  and  to  escape  complete  investment, 
a  retreat  was  resolved  upon  by  the  garrison,  and 
effected  on  the  night  following.  The  invalids, 
and  such  baggage  as  could  be  removed,  were 
embarked  on  board  the  batteaux  for  Skeensboro, 


1777.]      RETREAT  OF  ST.  CLAIR.        123 

now  Whitehall.     The  main  body  proceeded  by 
land,   the    rear-guard  leaving  Mount  Independ 
ence  at  four  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  6th 
of  July. 

The  retreat  would  have  been  without  disaster, 
but  for  a  disobedience  of  orders.  General  St. 
Clair  had  required  that  nothing  should  be  set  on 
fire ;  but  a  French  officer  imprudently  fired  his 
house,  and  the  flames  illuminating  the  whole  hill, 
showed  the  British  the  movements  and  designs 
of  the  Americans.  General  Burgoyne  pur- 
sued the  party  by  water,  and  Generals  Frazer 
and  Reidesel  the  main  body  by  land.  The  Ame- 
rican rear  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Ebenezer 
Francis,  of  Beverly,  Massachusetts,  whose  un- 
timely death,  in  his  thirty-fifth  year,  only  pre- 
vented his  winning  a  name  as  well  known  to  the 
nation  as  it  is  dear  to  his  descendants.  We 
subjoin,  from  the  "  History  of  Beverly,"  by 
Mr.  Stone,  some  particulars  which  will  serve  to 
show  what  material  formed  a  portion  of  the  Con- 
tinental army,  and  also  exhibit  the  circumstances 
of  the  retreat  in  graphic  language. 

Colonel  Francis  marched  at  the  head  of  his 
regiment  from  Massachusetts  to  Ticonderoga,  in 
January,  1777.  With  that  regard  for  religion 
which  was  the  characteristic  of  his  life,  he  as- 
sembled the  regiment  for  religious  services,  in 
his  own  parish  church,  previous  to  his  march. 
His  pastor,  who  conducted  the  services,  which 


124  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

vrere  of  a  most  solemn  and  impressive  character, 
accompanied  the  regiment  as  chaplain.  Captain 
Greenleaf,  whose  private  journal  is  preserved  in 
the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety, thus  records  the  circumstances  of  the 
retreat : — 

"  14th  June,  heard  enemy's  morning  gun — In- 
dians and  others  near — skirmishes.  2d  July, 
enemy  advances  with  two  frigates  of  twenty-eight 
guns,  and  fifty  gun-boats — land  troops  about 
two  miles  from  us.  Saturday,  July  -5th,  at 
twelve  o'clock,  spied  British  troops  on  the  mount- 
ain overlooking  Ticonderoga — at  nine  received  the 
disagreeable  news  of  leaving  the  ground.  At  two 
next  morning  left  Ticonderoga — at  four,  Mount 
Independence ;  after  a  most  fatiguing  march, 
arrived  same  day  at  Hubbardton,  near  White- 
hall, twenty-two  miles  from  Mount  Independence. 
Supped  with  Col.  Francis — encamped  in  the 
woods,  the  main  body  going  on  about  four  miles. 
Monday,  7th  July,  breakfasted  with  Col.  F.  At 
seven,  he  came  to  me  and  desired  me  to  parade 
the  regiment,  which  I  did.  At  a  quarter  past 
seven  he  came  in  haste  to  me,  told  me  an  express 
had  arrived  from  General  St.  Clair,  informing 
that  we  must  march  with  the  greatest  expedition, 
or  the  enemy  would  be  upon  us,  also  that  they 
had  taken  Skeensboro,  with  all  our  baggage — 
ordered  me  to  march  the  regftnent — immediately 
marched  a  part  of  it.  At  twenty  minutes  past 


1777.]         DEATH   OF   COLONEL   FRANCIS.  125 

seven,  the  enemy  appeared  in  gunshot  of  us  , 
we  faced  to  the  right  and  the  firing  began,  which 
lasted  till  a  quarter  to  nine  without  cessation. 
Numbers  fell  on  both  sides  ;  among  ours  the 
brave  and  ever  to  be  lamented  Col.  Francis,  who 
fought  bravely  to  the  last.  He  first  received  a 
ball  through  his  right  arm,  but  still  continued 
at  the  head  of  our  troops,  till  he  received  a  fatal 
wound  through  his  body,  entering  his  right 
breast ;  he  dropped  on  his  face.  Our  people 
being  overpowered  by  numbers,  were  obliged  to 
retreat  over  the  mountains,  enduring  in  their 
march  great  privations  and  sufferings." 

Thus  died  Colonel  Francis,  of  whom  a  British 
officer  who  was  in  the  engagement  thus  speaks  : 
"  At  the  commencement  of  the  action  the  enemy 
were  everywhere  thrown  into  the  greatest  confu- 
sion ;  but  being  rallied  by  that  brave  officer,  Colo- 
nel Francis,  whose  death,  though  an  enemy,  will 
ever  be  regretted  by  those  who  can  feel  for  the 
loss  of  a  gallant  and  brave  man,  the  fight  was 
renewed  with  the  greatest  degree  of  fierceness 
and  obstinacy." 

It  is  a  curi6us  fact  that  the  officer  who  thus 
records  the  death  of  Colonel  Francis,  afterward 
met  his  mother,  and  was  witness  to  a  most  af- 
fecting interview.  He  was  a  prisoner  with  Gene- 
ral Burgoyne,  near  Boston,  on  parole,  and  while 
walking  with  other  British  officers  in  the  like 
case,  stopped  with  them  at  a  farm-house.  An 
11* 


126  HISTORY    OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

elderly  •woman  who  was  sitting  in  the  house,  re- 
cognised them  as  British  officers.  "  Just  as  we 
were  quitting  the  house,"  says  the  narrator, 
"  she  got  up,  and  bursting  into  tears,  said, 
1  Gentlemen,  will  you  let  a  poor  distracted  woman 
speak  a  word  to  you  before  you  go?'  We,  as 
you  must  all  naturally  imagine,  were  all  asto- 
nished ;  and  upon  our  inquiring  what  she  wanted, 
with  the  most  poignant  grief,  and  sobbing  as  if 
her  heart  was  breaking,  she  asked  if  any  of  us 
knew  her  son,  a  Colonel  Francis,  who  was  killed 
at  the  battle  of  Hubbardton.  Several  of  us  in- 
formed her  that  we  had  seen  him  after  he  was 
dead.  She  then  inquired  about  his  pocket-book, 
and  if  any  of  his  papers  were  safe,  as  some  re- 
lated to  his  estates,  and  if  any  of  the  soldiers 
had  got  his  watch  ;  if  she  could  but  obtain  that 
in  remembrance  of  her  dear,  dear  son,  she 
should  be  happy.  Captain  Ferguson,  of  our  re- 
giment, who  was  of  the  party,  told  her,  as  to  the 
colonel's  papers  and  pocket-book,  he  was  fearful 
they  were  either  lost  or  destroyed ;  but  pulling  a 
watch  from  his  fob,  he  said,  '  There,  good  woman, 
if  that  can  make  you  happy,  take  it,  and  God 
bless  you  !'  We  were  all  much  surprised,  as  un- 
acquainted he  had  made  a  purchase  of  it  from  a 
drum  boy.  On  seeing  it,  it  is  impossible  to  de- 
scribe the  joy  and  grief  that  were  depicted  in 
her  countenance.  I  never  in  all  my  life  beheld 
such  a  strength  of  passion  ;  she  kissed  it,  looked 


1777.]  HALT   AT   FORT   EDWARD.  127 

unutterable  gratitude  at  Captain  Ferguson,  then 
kissed  it  again;  her  feelings  were  unexpressible ; 
she  knew  not  how  to  express  or  to  show  them ; 
she  would  repay  his  kindness  by  kindness,  but 
could  only  sob  her  thanks.  Our  feelings  were 
lifted  up  to  an  unexpressible  height.  We  pro- 
mised to  search  after  the  papers,  and  I  believe 
at  that  moment  could  have  hazarded  life  to  pro- 
cure them." 

Such  strange  incidents  does  war,  that  anomaly 
amid  civilization,  furnish  ! 

Colonel  Warner,  with  his  Green  Mountain  re- 
giment, was  with  Colonel  Francis.  We  need 
hardly  say  that  this  regiment  stood  their  ground 
manfully.  After  the  fall  of  Francis,  Warner 
charged  with  such  impetuosity  that  for  a  moment 
the  British  troops  were  thrown  into  confusion. 
But  a  reinforcement  arriving,  the  Americans 
were  completely  overpowered.  Two  or  three 
regiments,  which  should  have  been  in  the  engage- 
ment, consulted  their  own  safety  by  a  retreat ; 
and  the  rout  of  the  rest  was  complete.  The 
loss  of  the  Americans  was  very  severe,  amount- 
ing to  between  three  and  four  hundred  men, 
killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners. 

The  retreating  army  collected  at  Fort  Ed- 
ward, having  lost  all  their  baggage  and  stores. 
General  Burgoyne  destroyed  in  a  few  hours  the 
water  defences  at  Ticonderoga,  and  pushed  on 
to  Skeensboro,  where  the  garrison  attempted 


HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1777. 

no  stand,  but  setting  fire  to  the  mills  and  bat- 
teaux,  retreated.  They  were  pursued,  but  de- 
fended themselves  with  so  much  spirit  that  the 
pursuit  was  given  over,  and  General  Burgoyne 
halted  a  few  days  at  Skeensboro,  to  refresh  his 
men. 

It  was  during  the  subsequent  advance  upon 
Fort  Edward  that  the  murder  of  Miss  Jane 
McOrea  roused  the  resentment  of  the  Ameri- 
cans to  the  highest  degree  ;  and,  in  the  excite- 
ment of  the  times,  covered  General  Burgoyne 
with  unmerited  obloquy.  This  tragical  story 
belongs  to  the  romance  of  the  Revolutionary 
war:  and,  while  the  people  were  filled  with  hor- 
ror and  indignation,  that  narrative  which  re- 
flected the  greatest  dishonour  upon  the  British 
commander  and  his  savage  allies  was  accepted 
as  most  likely  to  be  the  true  one.  Now,  how- 
ever, when  party  feeling  has  subsided,  a  calmer 
investigation  of  the  circumstances  connected  with 
that  hapless  affair  has  led  to  the  belief  that  the 
popular  version  is  incorrect  in  many  important 
particulars. 

Jane  McCrea  was  the  affianced  bride  of  a  Mr. 
Jones,  a  young  American,  of  loyalist  princi- 
ples, who  had  joined  Burgoyne,  and  accepted 
a  commission  in  the  British  army.  Little  doubt 
was  entertained,  at  that  period,  of  the  eventual 
success  of  the  royal  cause.  The  progress  of 
the  invading  force  under  Burgoyne  had  hitherto 


1777.]          JANE  MCCREA.  129 

been  a  most  triumphant  one.  When  the  British 
approached  Fort  Edward,  Miss  McCrea  was  the 
guest  of  Mrs.  McNeil,  whose  house  was  at  the 
foot  of  a  hill,  distant  about  eighty  rods  north- 
ward from  the  fort.  "  The  hill-side  was  covered 
with  bushes,  while  a  quarter  of  a  mile  above, 
near  the  crest  of  the  hill,  a  large  pine  tree 
shadowed  a  clear  spring." 

The  brother  with  whom  Jenny  had  previously 
lived,  being  a  staunch  Whig,  was  preparing  to 
abandon  his  house,  five  miles  below  the  fort,  and 
retire  to  Albany.  Apprehensive  of  danger  to 
his  sister,  he  several  times  desired  her  to  join 
him  without  delay.  The  hope  of  meeting  her 
lover  causing  her  still  to  linger,  her  brother  be- 
came alarmed,  and  despatched  so  peremptory  a 
message  that  she  promised  to  return  to  his  house 
the  following  day. 

The  next  morning,  the  negro  boy  belonging  to 
Mrs.  McNeil  hurriedly  informed  the  family  of 
the  approach  of  a  small  party  of  Indian  warriors, 
and  then  fled  across  the  plain  to  the  fort  for  pro- 
tection. Acting  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment, 
the  whole  family  hastily  sought  refuge  in  the  cel- 
lar of  a  kitchen  detached  from  the  house.  While 
crouching  here  in  the  darkness,  the  colour  of  the 
servant  woman  shielded  her  from  discovery,  but 
Mrs.  McNeil  and  Jenny  were  seized,  and  hurried 
off  by  different  routes  to  Burgoyne's  camp.  In 
the  mean  time,  a  detachment  had  been  sent  out 


130  HISTORY   OP   VERMONT.  [1777. 

from  Fort  Edward  to  attempt  a  rescue ;  and 
when  the  party  who  were  bearing  off  Jenny  ap- 
proached the  pine  tree  and  the  spring  near  the 
gummit  of  the  hill,  they  were  suddenly  fired  upon 
by  the  American  pursuers.  During  the  brief 
skirmish  that  followed,  Jenny  was  accidentally 
struck  by  a  bullet,  and  fell  from  her  horse  mor- 
tally wounded.  Her  Indian  captors,  conscious 
that  by  her  death  they  had  lost  the  reward 
usually  paid  for  prisoners,  could  not  forego  the 
barbarous  temptation  of  bearing  off  her  scalp  as 
a  trophy.  It  was  taken,  and  carried  by  them 
openly  displayed  into  camp,  where  the  long 
glossy  hair  of  Jenny  was  speedily  recognised  by 
Mrs.  McNeil,  who  boldly  taxed  the  Indians  with 
the  murder  of  her  guest.  They  promptly  denied 
it,  and  asserted  that  she  came  by  her  death  in 
the  manner  already  described. 

Information  subsequently  obtained  tended  to 
confirm  the  truth  of  this  statement,  notwithstand- 
ing a  different  version  of  the  tragical  story  has 
usually  prevailed.  The  latter  narrative  charges 
Lieutenant  Jones  with  having  bribed  the  Indians 
with  a  promise  of  rum  to  conduct  his  betrothed 
into  the  British  lines ;  that  as  they  returned 
with  their  fair  captive,  a  quarrel  arose  respect- 
ing the  division  of  the  liquor,  and,  to  end  the 
dispute,  one  of  the  Indians  despatched  Jenny  by 
shooting  her  through  the  breast.  But  Lieutenant 
Jones  strenuously  denied  having  engaged  the 


1777.]        LETTER  OF  GATES.          131 

services  of  the  Indians  at  all ;  nor  is  it  probable 
he  would  do  so,  inasmuch  as  the  British  army 
was  then  advancing  upon  Fort  Edward,  with  the 
certainty  of  its  capture.  The  young  officer 
could,  therefore,  have  no  desire  for  the  presence 
of  Miss  McCrea  in  camp,  especially  as,  in  a  day 
or  two,  the  possession  of  Fort  Edward  would 
have  enabled  him  to  visit  her  with  greater  com- 
fort and  security  at  the  house  of  their  mutual 
friend,  Mrs.  McNeil. 

Overcome  with  horror  at  her  terrible  fate, 
Jones  tendered  immediately  a  resignation  of  his 
commission.  Burgoyne  refusing  to  accept  it,  he 
deserted.  Retiring  to  Canada,  bearing  with  him 
the  blood-stained  tresses  of  his  affianced  bride,  be 
lived  there  for  many  years.  He  never  married, 
shunned  all  allusion  to  the  War  of  Independence, 
kept  rigidly  the  anniversary  of  Miss  McCrea's 
death;  and  became,  from  the  period  of  his  be- 
reavement, a  sad,  thoughtful,  and  secluded  man. 

The  popular  version  of  this  melancholy  event, 
at  the  time  of  its  occurrence,  we  may  presume  to 
have  been  something  like  the  following,  which 
we  extract  from  a  letter  written  to  General  Bur- 
goyne by  General  Gates,  in  answer  to  one  in 
which  General  Burgoyne  complained  of  certain 
alleged  harsh  treatment  of  prisoners.  "Miss 
McCrea,  a  young  lady  lovely  to  the  sight,  of 
virtuous  character  and  amiable  disposition,  en- 
gaged to  an  officer  of  your  army,  was,  with  other 


132  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

women  and  children,  taken  out  of  a  house  near 
Fort  Edward,  carried  into  the  woods,  and  there 
scalped  and  mangled  in  the  most  shocking  man- 
ner. Two  parents  with  their  six  children  were  all 
treated  with  the  same  inhumanity,  while  quietly 
resting  in  their  once  peaceful  and  happy  dwell- 
ing. The  miserable  fate  of  Miss  McCrea  was 
particularly  aggravated  by  being  dressed  to  re- 
ceive her  promised  husband,  but  met  her  murderer 
appointed  by  you.  Upward  of  one  hundred 
men,  women,  and  children  have  perished  by  the 
hands  of  the  ruffians  to  whom,  it  is  asserted, 
you  have  paid  the  price  of  blood." 

General  Burgoyne,  in  his  reply,  inveighs 
against  "the  rhapsodies  of  fiction  and  calumny" 
which  it  had  been,  he  alleged,  the  invariable 
policy  of  the  Americans  to  propagate.  But 
with  all  the  elements  of  a  fearfully  tragic  and 
romantic  story,  which  the  death  of  Miss  Mc- 
Crea furnished,  Americans  must  have  been  dif- 
ferent from  all  other  people,  if  the  narrative  did 
not  grow  with  the  repetition.  They  must  have 
been  insensible  to  murder  and  cruelty,  could  they 
have  weighed  all  the  rumours  and  dispassionately 
sifted  out  truth  from  error.  The  disgrace  which 
the  British  allies  entailed  upon  their  employers 
was  a  part  of  the  price  of  their  service- — nowhere 
better  understood  than  by  indignant  statesmen 
at  home,  as  the  remonstrances  of  the  opposition 
in  Parliament  testify. 


1777.]  ACTION   OF   THE    COUNCIL.  133 


CHAPTER  X. 

Action  of  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire  upon  the  fall  of  Ti- 
conderoga — Orders  of  General  Stark — Resolves  in  Congress 
— Schuyler's  judicious  measures — General  Burgoyne'ssecond 
proclamation — Vain  appeal  of  Major  Skeene  —  General 
Stark's  insubordination — Resolution  of  censure  in  Congress — 
British  attempt  to  secure  the  stores  at  Bennington — Battle 
of  Bennington — Attack  on  Colonel  Bauin's  entrenchments 
— Complete  success  of  General  Stark — Renewal  of  the  en- 
gagement by  Colonels  Warner  and  Breyman — Defeat  of  the 
latter — Important  effects  upon  the  American  cause — Extract 
from  Burgoyne's  instructions  to  Colonel  Baum — General 
Burgoyne's  opinion  of  the  people  of  the  New  Hampshire 
grants — Appointment  of  Gates  to  supersede  Schuyler — Ge- 
neral Gates  arrives  at  Stillwater — Battle  of  Stillwater  or 
Behmus  Heights — Victory  claimed  by  both  parties,  but  the 
real  advantage  with  the  Americans — Battle  of  the  7th  Octo- 
ber— General  Burgoyne  retreats  to  Saratoga — Capitulation 
of  Burgoyne. 

WHEN  the  disastrous  intelligence  of  the  fall 
of  Ticonderoga  reached  the  Vermont  council 
of  safety,  they  despatched  pressing  letters  to 
New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,  setting 
forth  their  exposed  condition,  and  urging  those 
,  states  for  assistance.  The  New  Hampshire 
council  immediately  convened  the  legislature, 
and  that  body  placing  'a  large  force  under  com- 
mand of  -General  Stark,  directed  him  to  re- 
pair to  Charleston,  on  the  'Connecticut  River, 
and  there  consult  with  the  Vermont  council  as 

12 


134  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

to  the  forwarding  of  supplies,  and  the  conduct 
of  future  operations.  He  was  instructed  to  act  in 
conjunction  with  the  troops  of  Vermont,  or  any 
other  state,  or  of  the  United  States,  in  such 
manner  as,  in  his  opinion,  would  most  effectually 
stop  the  operations  of  the  enemy.  This  very 
broad  exercise  of  discretion  was  given  him  in 
consequence  of  his  independent  position  ;  for 
disgusted  with  ihe  neglect  with  which  he  con- 
ceived himself  treated,  in  not  being  made  a 
brigadier-general  in  the  Continental  army,  Stark 
had  just  resigned  his  commission  as  colonel,  and 
conceiving  himself  not  amenable  to  command  in 
the  regular  army,  he  had  stipulated  for  this  in- 
dependent command.  This  was  another  of  the 
many  difficulties  which  Congress  had  with  its 
officers ;  but  in  the  result  it  proved  a  fortunate 
circumstance. 

The  news  of  the  Ticonderoga  disaster  caused 
amazement  every  where,  and  no  little  indigna- 
tion. In  Congress  the  retreat  was  made  the 
subject  of  warm  animadversion  ;  and  the  recall 
of  all  the  officers  was  ordered,  and  only  sus- 
pended on  the  earnest  expostulation  of  General 
Washington  against  leaving  the  northern  array 
without  officers.  Subsequent  inquiry,  and  a  re- 
velation of  the  comparative  weakness  of  the 
garrison  and  the  strength  of  the'  besiegers, 
caused  the  officers  to  be  exonerated  from  all 
blame. 


1777.]  SCHUYLER'S  MEASURES:  135 

General  Schuyler,  who,  as  previcusly  stated, 
was  absent  forwarding  supplies  when  Ticonde- 
roga  was  taken,  was  on  his  return  when  he  heard 
of  the  fall  of  that  important  post,  and  of  the 
loss  of  Skeensboro.  He  set  about  immediately 
staying  the  mischief  with  a  fortitude  and  in- 
dustry most  commendable,  and  employed  the 
forced  respite  which  Burgoyne  gave  him,  in  de- 
stroying bridges,  breaking  up  roads,  sinking  ob- 
structions in  the  navigable  creeks,  and  felling  trees 
across  the  road.  So  effectually  was  this  work 
done,  that  when  the  British  army  moved  forward 
from  Skeensboro,  they  were  often  occupied 
twenty-four  hours  in  advancing  one  mile.  The 
horses  and  draught  cattle  were  driven  off,  and 
the  passage  of  the  British  from  Skeensboro  to 
Fort  Edward  on  the  Hudson,  delayed  them  until 
the  29th  of  July.  General  Schuyler  had  mean- 
while crossed  the  river  and  retreated  first  to  Sa- 
ratoga, and  then  to  Still  water,  where  he  encamp- 
ed on  a  rising  ground  called  Behmus  Heights. 

General  Burgoyne  now  issued  a  second  procla- 
mation. As  the  petition  of  Vermont  for  admis- 
sion into  the  Union  had  been  so  cavalierly  treat- 
ed, the  British  general  counted  the  juncture  a 
good  one  to  establish  Skeene's  new  province, 
and  summoned  delegates  to  meet  at  Castleton, 
to  confer  with  the  gallant  niajor  on  that  subject. 
But  Governor  Skeene's  title  never  was  acknow- 
ledged in  any  instrument  except  his  commission 


136  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  1777. 

and  Burgoyne's  proclamation.  Unkindly  as  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys  conceived  themselves  to 
have  been  treated,  they  were  not  yet  ready  for 
the  royal  protection ;  and  the  only  effect  which 
Burgoyne's  proclamation  produced,  was  to  call 
out  a  counter-manifesto  from  General  Schuyler. 

The  disasters  which  had  so  dispirited  the 
American  army  now  began  to  change  to  the 
British.  The  Americans  were  reinforced,  and 
their  spirits  were  raised  by  the  defeat  of  an 
attempt  of  the  British  and  Indians  to  seize  Fort 
Schuyler,  at  the  western  boundary  of  the  New 
York  settlements.  The  Indian  allies  deserted 
the  British,  and  after  one  or  two  brilliant  skir- 
mishes the  siege  was  raised. 

General  Stark  had  now  at  Manchester  a  force 
of  1400  men,  600  of  whom  were  Green  Mountain 
Boys,  under  Colonel  Warner.  Schuyler  wrote 
to  him  repeatedly  to  join  the  main-  army;  but 
Stark,  in  pursuance  of  the  discretion  allowed  to 
him  by  his  New  Hampshire  commission,  chose  to 
remain  where  he  was.  Schuyler  represented  this 
insubordination  to  Congress  ;  and  on  the  19th  of 
August  that  body  passed  a  resolution  censuring 
the  course  pursued  by  New  Hampshire,  in  giving 
General  Stark  a  separate  command,  and  re- 
questing that  he  should  be  instructed  to  conform 
himself  to  the  same  rules  to  which  other  general 
officers  of  the  militia  were  subject. 

General  Stark,  whose  patriotism  outweighed 


1777.]         DIFFICULTIES    OF   BUKSOYNE.  137 

his  resentment,  while  he  moved  toward  the  post 
indicated  by  General  Schuyler,  still  moved  at  his 
leisure.  He  was  with  his  regiment  at  Benning- 
ton,  longing  for  an  opportunity  to  do  something 
upon  his  own  account,  when  an  occasion  present- 
ed itself.  Burgoyne  had  found  his  position  at- 
tended with  great  difficulties.  His  supplies  from 
Canada  were  irregular,  and  not  one-third  of  the 
horses  on  which  he  had  counted  had  arrived. 
The  judicious  measures  of  General  Schuyler  had 
so  consumed  the  time  of  the  British  army,  that 
their  stores  were  nearly  expended  ;  and,  as  he 
was  compelled  to  keep  the  road  open  behind  him 
to  forward  provisions,  the  detachments  necessary 
for  this  purpose  weakened  his  army  for  active 
operations.  In  this  difficulty  a  supply  must  be 
had  from  some  source.  A  depot  of  provisions 
and  other  stores  was  established  at  Bennington 
for  the  American  army,  and  with  this  Burgoyne 
proposed  to  replenish  his  magazines.  It  was 
reported  to  be  guarded  only  by  militia,  and  the 
sentiments  of  a  majority  of  the  residents  were 
furthermore  stated  to  be  hostile  to  the  American 
cause.  We  are  not  in  possession  of  absolute 
facts  for  the  opinion,  but  it  seems  exceedingly 
probable  that  the  irritation  of  the  Green  Moun- 
tain Boys  at  their  treatment  by  Congress  may 
have  given  rise  to  expressions  which  induced 
Burgoyne  to  doubt  their  attachment  to  the 
United  States. 

12* 


138  HISTORY  OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

Colonel  Baum,  with  five  hundred  European 
troops,  some  American  loyalists  and  Indian 
auxiliaries,  was  detached  on  this  service.  An- 
other detachment  under  Colonel  Breyman  was 
advanced  as  a  reserve.  General  Stark,  at  Ben- 
nington, .  heard  of  the  approach  of  a  body  of 
Indians,  and  despatched  a  detachment  under 
Colonel  Greg,  to  arrest  their  proceedings.  It 
was  soon  discovered  that  these  savages  were  the 
advance  party  of  Colonel  Baum's  command. 
General  Stark  instantly  sent  an  express  to  Colo- 
nel Warner,  to  hasten  to  his  aid,  and  also  called 
upon  the  militia  of  the  vicinity  to  join  him  with 
all  possible  despatch. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  August,  Ge- 
neral Stark,  with  the  force  at  his  command,  ad- 
vanced to  meet  Colonel  Baum,  and  on  the  way 
met  Colonel  Greg  in  retreat  before  the  enemy. 
Stark  immediately  formed  in  order  of  battle,  and 
Colonel  Baum  perceiving  that  the  Americans 
were  in  too  great  strength  to  be  attacked  by  his 
present  force,  halted,  and  despatched  an  express 
to  Colonel  Breyman  for  assistance.  General 
Stark  finding  his  position  unfavourable  for  an 
engagement,  chose  a  better  position,  about  a  mile 
in  the  rear.  Here  it  was  resolved  in  a  council 
of  war  to  attack  Baum  at  once,  before  he  could 
receive  reinforcements,  and  the  next  day  was 
appointed  for  the  engagement.  That  day,  how- 
ever, proved  rainy;  and  beyond  frequent  skir- 


1777.]  BATTLE   OF   BENNINGTON.  139 

mishes  of  small  parties,  in  which  the  spirits  of 
the  Americans  were  much  raised  by  success,  no- 
thing was  done.  Baum,  meanwhile,  improved 
the  delay  to  intrench  himself  in  his  camp,  and 
fortify  his  position.  The  rain  and  the  state  of 
the  roads  delayed  Breyman's  march. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th,  General  Stark, 
having  been  joined  by  some  IVlassachusetts  mi- 
litia, determined  on  an  attack,  although  -Colonel 
Warner  had  not  yet  arrived.  Drawing  out  his 
forces,  he  made  the  very  brief  speech  to  them 
which  is  familiar  to  all  readers  of  American  his- 
tory:  "Boys,  there  they  are  !  We  beat  to-day, 
or  Sally  Stark's  a  widow  !"  The  attack  on  the 
entrenchments  was  made  in  four  points  at  once. 
It  is  stated  by  some  authorities,  that  so  confi- 
dent were  the  Tory  provincials  under  Baum's 
command,  of  the  attachment  of  the  country 
to  the  royal  cause,  that  while  Stark  was 
making  dispositions  for  an  attack,  they  sup- 
posed his  men  to  be  armed  loyalists,  coming  to 
join  them. 

This  error  was  soon  discovered.  The  four 
divisions,  numbering  in  all  about  eight  hundred 
men,  made  their  attack  almost  simultaneously. 
The  Indian  allies  of  the  British,  with  their  cha- 
racteristic poltroonery,  where  hard  fighting  and 
no  plunder  was  the  prospect,  fled  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  attack.  The  German  troops 
fought  like  lions,  and  when  their  ammunition  was 


140  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

expended,  rushed  to  the  charge,  led  by  their 
gallant  leader,  Colonel  Baum.  After  two  hours 
of  close  and  severe  contest  the  victory  was  com- 
plete, and  the  whole  British  detachment,  except 
the  Indians  and  the  loyalists,  who  took  to  the 
woods,  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners. 

Just  as  Stark's  men  had  fallen  into  the  confu- 
sion of  victory,  -yhich  is  scarcely  less  than  that 
of  defeat,  the  alarm  was  given  that  Colonel 
Breyman  was  rapidly  approaching.  Fortunately, 
at  this  precise  juncture,  Colonel  Warner  also 
arrived ;  and  the  two  bodies  of  reserve,  not  reach- 
ing in  season  to  join  the  first  encounter,  renewed 
the  battle.  General  Stark  collected  his  men, 
and  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  Warner.  The 
battle  was  continued  till  sunset,  when  the  British 
force  gave  way,  abandoning  their  baggage  and 
artillery.  The  Americans  pursued  them  until 
dark,  and  thus  closed  the  famous  battle  of  Ben- 
nington — a  victory  most  opportune,  and  the  pre- 
lude of  more  successes. 

The  American  loss  was  only  fourteen  killed, 
and  forty-two  wounded.  The  British  loss  was 
about  two  hundred  killed,  and  over  six  hundred 
prisoners,  a  thousand  stand  of  arms,  four  pieces 
of  artillery,  and  a  thousand  dragoon  swords. 
But  the  moral  effect  of  such  success  was  a  great 
d<jal  the  most  important.  The  prestige  of  in- 
vincibility with  which  the  timid  had  begun  to  in- 
vest the  British  army  was  taken  from  it ;  and 


1777.]        BURGOYNE'S  INSTRUCTIONS.          141 

the  trained  soldiers  of  Europe  were  taught  how 
raw  troops  could  fight  for  their  altars  and  fire- 
Bides.  The  patriotism  of  Vermont  was  vindi- 
cated, and  the  hope  of  the  enemy  in  the  de- 
fection of  the  settlers  was  dissipated.  How 
sanguine  this  expectation  was  on  the  part  of 
Burgoyne,  may  be  judged  from  Colonel  Baum's 
instructions,  a  copy  of  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  General  Stark.  These  instructions  directed 
Colonel  Baum  to  "proceed  through  the  New 
Hampshire  grants,  cross  the  mountains  with 
Peter's  corps,  (levies,)  and  the  Indians,  from 
Rockingham  to  Otter  Creek  ;  to  get  horses,  car- 
riages, and  cattle,  and  mount  Reidesel's  dragoons ; 
to  go  down  Connecticut  River  as  far  as  Brattle- 
boro,  and  return  by  the  great  road  to  Albany, 
there  to  meet  General  Burgoyne ;  to  endeavour 
to  make  the  country  believe  it  was  the  advance 
body  of  the  general's  army,  who  was  to  cross 
Connecticut  River  and  proceed  to  Boston ;  ;:nd 
that  at  Springfield  they  were  to  be  joined  by  the 
troops  from  Rhode  Islam1..  All  officers,  civil 
an^  military,  acting  under  Congress,  to  be  made 
prisoners.  To  tax  the  towns  where  they  halted 
for  such  articles  as  they  wanted,  and  to  take 
hostages  for  the  performance.  To  bring  all 
horses  fit  to  mount  the  dragoons,  or  to  serve  as 
battalion  horses  for  the  troops,  with  as  ma:iy 
saddles  and  bridles  as  can  be  found.  The  num- 
ber of  horses  requisite,  besides  those  for  the  dra- 


142  HISTOKY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

goons,  ought  to  be  thirteen  hundred ;  if  you  can 
bring  more,  so  much  the  better.  The  horses 
must  be  tied  in  strings  of  ten  each,  so  that  one 
man  may  lead  ten  horses,"  &c.  &c. 

We  question  whether  instructions  ever  fell 
farther  short  of  fulfilment  than  did  those  of  the 
unfortunate  Colonel  Baum.  We  have  quoted 
them  to  show  what  an  egregiously  false  estimate 
General  Burgoyne  had  formed  of  the  character 
of  the  inhabitants  and  of  the  resources  of  the 
country.  The  news  of  the  failure  of  the  attack 
upon  Fort  Schuyler  close  following  upon  the 
Bennington  defeat,  very  much  depressed  the 
spirits  of  the  royal  army.  In  a  private  letter 
of  Burgoyne's,  dated  August  20th,  he  says : 
"  The  New  Hampshire  grants  in  particular,  a 
country  unpeopled  and  almost  unknown  in  the 
last  war,  now  abound  in  the  most  active  and 
most  rebellious  race  on  the  continent,  who  hang 
like  a  gathering  storm  upon  my  left."  As  the 
confidence  of  the  British  decreased,  that  of  the 
Americans  was  restored,  and  recruits  now  came 
into  the  American  camp  in  large  numbers. 

At  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  resolution 
in  Congress  recalling  the  general  officers  in  the 
northern  army,  General  Washington  was  request- 
ed to  name  a  successor  to  General  Schuyler. 
The  commander-in-chief  declined  to  make  the 
nomination,  and  Congress  appointed  General 
Gates.  General  Schuyler  very  keenly  felt  this 


1777.]  APPOINTMENT    OP  GATES.  143 

mortification,  but  with  a  magnanimity  which  does 
him  high  honour  he  continued  his  exertions  in 
forwarding  the  operations  of  'the  campaign. 
His  services  in  retrieving  or  arresting  the  dis- 
asters which  followed  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga, 
though  necessarily  of  a  nature  to  give  him  no 
public  eclat,  were  of  vast  advantage  to  his  coun- 
try ;  and  although  his  personal  unpopularity  with 
the  New.  England  men  made  his  removal  from 
the  command  a  matter  of  expedience,  if  not  of 
necessity,  his  services  are  not  now  overlooked 
by  his  countrymen. 

General  Gates  arrived  at  Stillwater,  and  as- 
sumed the  command  on  the  19th  of  August, 
just  at  the  time  when  the  turning  tide  made 
every  thing  propitious  for  the  American  cause. 
He  instantly  availed  himself  of  his  advantages, 
and  being  seconded  by  large  bodies  of  volun- 
teers, eager  for  service,  soon  reduced  the  condi- 
tion of  Burgoyne  to  the  defensive.  The  New 
England  militia,  under  the  command  of  General 
Lincoln,  surprised  all  the  outposts  of  the  enemy 
on  Lake  George,  except  Ticonderoga,  taking 
nearly  three  hundred  prisoners,  liberating  a 
hundred  Americans,  and  destroying  what  muni- 
tions, boats,  and  stores  they  could  not  carry 
away.  Their  loss  in  these  affairs  was  only  three 
killed  and  five  wounded.  As  Burgoyne  moved, 
detachments  of  the  Americans,  principally  mi- 
litia and  volunteers,  were  constantly  cutting  off 


144  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

his  supplies,  and  breaking  up  his  lines  of  com- 
munication. On  the  13th  and  14th  of  Septem- 
ber he  crossed  the  Hudson,  and  advanced  toward 
the  American  army.  To  prevent  being  cut  off 
in  detail,  it  had  become  necessary  that  he  should 
decide  the  fate  of  the  campaign  in  a  general  en- 
gagement. 

The  Americans  as  they  retreated  had  blocked 
roads  and  destroyed  bridges,  and  the  advance  of 
General  Burgoyne  was  necessarily  slow,  the 
strength  and  patience  of  his  soldiers  being 
sorely  tried  by  these  delays  and  difficulties.  De- 
sertions now  became  frequent,  from  the  refugee 
or  provincial  regiments,  who  began  to  discover 
the  mistake  into  which  they  had  fallen. 

On  the  19th  of  September  occurred  the  memo- 
rable battle  of  Stillwater.  Burgoyne  had  ad- 
vanced and  encamped  within  four  miles  of  the 
American  lines.  There  appears  to  have  been  a 
well-weighed  hesitancy  on  both  sides,  as  to 
hazarding  a  battle.  The  Americans  respected 
the  discipline  and  courage  of  the  foreign  troops ; 
and  the  British  commander  felt  like  a  man  at 
bay,  confident  of  his  desperate  courage,  but 
fearful  that  it  would  avail  hi«T  little.  On  the 
18th,  the  show  of  challenge  was  made  by  the 
Americans.  On  the  19th,  the  same  course  was 
taken  by  Burgoyne.  The  accidental  meeting  of 
two  scouting  parties  brought  on  the  general  en- 
gagement which  the  respective  commanders  had 


1777.]  BATTLE   OF    STILLWATER.  145 

desired,  and  yet  hesitated  to  provoke.  General 
Burgoyne  at  the  head  of  the  right  wing  of  the 
British  army,  advanced  toward  the  left  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, while  another  detachment  menaced  their 
right.  An  accidental  encounter  precipitated  the 
meeting  of  the  two  armies. 

No  sooner  was  the  firing  of  the  scouts  heard, 
than  the  advanced  parties  of  each  army  pressed 
forward.  The  events  of  the  day  are  thus  graphi- 
cally summed  by  Thompson,  in  his  History  of 
Vermont :  "  Reinforcements  were  continually 
sent  on  upon  both  sides,  and  the  engagement  be- 
came obstinate  and  general.  The  first  attempt 
of  the  Americans  was  to  turn  the  right  wing  of 
the  British  army,  and  flank  their  line.  Failing 
in  this,  they  moved  in  regular  order  to  the  left, 
and  there  made  a  furious  assault.  Both  armies 
were  determined  to  conquer,  and  the  battle  raged 
without  intermission  for  three  hours.  Any  ad- 
vantage upon  one  side  was  soon  counterbalanced 
by  an  equal  advantage  on  the  other.  Cannon, 
and  favourable  positions  were  taken,  lost,  <md 
retaken  in  quick  succession  ;  and  the  two  armies 
might  be  compared  to  the  two  scales  of  a  mighty 
balance,  trembling  with  equal  burdens  in  doubt- 
ful oscillation,  and,  had  not  night  put  an  end  to 
the  contest,  it  is  doubtful  which  would  have  pre- 
ponderated." It  appears  from  collating  the  ac- 
counts of  the  battle,  that  each  army  succeeded 
best  in  repelling  attacks.  Assailing  parties 

13 


146  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

were  vigorously  resisted,  but  when  pursued  to 
the  lines,  the  pursuers  in  turn  were  driven  back. 
Both  parties  claimed  the  victory,  and  each  be- 
lieved itself  to  have  been  engaged  with  only  a 
part  of  its  own  force  with  nearly  the  whole  of 
the  enemy.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was 
sixty- four  killed,  and, two  hundred  and  sixty 
wounded  and  missing.  The  loss  of  the  British 
has  been  estimated  at  rather  more  than  five 
hundred  men,  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners. 
The  Americans  returned  to  their  camp;  the 
British  slept  upon  the  ground. 

The  victory  was  claimed  by  the  British  since 
they  had  retained  possession  of  the  field,  but 
ithe  Americans  asserted  the  same  claim.  What- 
•ever  may  be  the  technical  answer  to  the  problem, 
the  solid  advantage  was  with  the  Americans. 
To  the  British  general  any  thing  less  than  a  de- 
•cisive  victory  was  a  defeat.  To  the  Americans, 
the  check  to  the  advancing  army  which  they  had 
effected,  was  a  victory.  But  of  far  greater  con- 
sequence was  the  impression  which  the  heroic 
conduct  of  the  Americans  made  upon  the  British 
forces.  The  impromptu  soldiers,  whom  they 
despised  as  "forever  unworthy  of  their  steel," 
had  .astonished  them  by  their  fierce  bravery  and 
resolute  conduct  The  desertion  of  provincials, 
Canadians,  and  Indians  from  Burgoyne  now  in- 
creased, and  he  was  driven  to  the  conclusion 


1777.J  BATTLE   OF   7fH  OCTOBER.  147 

that  his  European  soldiers  were  the  only  men 
upon  whom  he  could  place  any  reliance. 

On  the  next  day  after  the  battle,  General 
Burgoyne  changed  his  position  to  one  almost 
within  cannon-shot  of  the  American  camp,  and 
fortified  himself  there,  keeping  his  communica- 
tion with  the  river  open.  Thus  the  two  armies 
remained  from  the  20th  of  September,  until  the 
7th  of  October  ;  the  American  army  constantly 
receiving  accessions,  and  the  British  continually 
diminishing.  The  force  now  at  Gates's  command 
enabled  him  to  post  detachments  in  all  the 
avenues  of  escape  or  retreat,  and  General  Bur- 
goyne's  position  became  most  critical.  He  still 
hoped  for  aid  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  was 
forcing  his  way  up  the  Hudson;  but  having  only 
a  few  days'  provision  in  camp,  he  was  compelled 
again  to  try  his  strength  with  the  Americans. 
He  put  himself  at  the  head  of  fifteen  hundred 
regulars,  to  cover  the  operations  of  a  foraging 
party.  General  Gates  immediately  made  his 
dispositions  for  an  attack,  and  assailed  General 
Burgoyne  at  three  points  at  once,  and  almost 
succeeded  in  cutting  off  his  return  to  his  camp. 
Overpowered  by  numbers,  and  with  the  loss  of 
his  field-pieces,  and  a  great  part  of  his  artillery 
corps,  Burgoyne  with  difficulty  retreate  1  to  his 
entrenchments.  Two  hundred  prisoners,  and 
nine  pieces  of  cannon  were  tak(^i  by  the  Ame- 
ricans. A  part  of  the  British  works  was  also 


148  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 

carried,  and  when  night  put  an  end  to  the  battle, 
the  Americans  remained  in  possession.  The 
whole  loss  of  the  British  was  four  hundred  men, 
in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  and  among  the 
dead  and  wounded  were  several  officers  of  note. 
Arnold,  who  was  conspicuous  in  the  American 
line,  though  without  a  command,  was  badly 
wounded  in  leading  an  assault  within  the  en- 
trenchments. 

No  more  military  operations  of  consequence 
occurred.  General  Burgoyne,  in  the  night  after 
the  battle,  withdrew  from  the  works,  which  were 
partly  in  the  possession  of  the  Americans,  and 
drew  up  his  army  in  the  order  of  battle  on  some 
high  grounds  in  the  rear.  From  this  position  he 
was  compelled  to  retreat  to  avoid  being  surround- 
ed, and  accordingly  on  the  night  of  the  8th  of 
October  he  removed  again,  and  on  the  evening 
of  the  next  day  reached  Saratoga.  The  project 
of  abandoning  the  baggage,  and  with  arms  in 
hand  forcing  a  retreat  to  Canada,  was  discussed, 
but  upon  examination  found  impracticable.  Hem- 
med in  on  all  hands,  Burgoyne  had  no  choice 
but  surrender,  which  he  did  on  the  16th  of  Oc- 
tober. He  was  allowed  to  march  out  of  camp 
with  the  honours  of  war.  General  Gates,  being 
advised  of  the  progress  of  the  relief  designed 
for  Burgoyne,  pressed  the  capitulation,  without 
making  difficulty  about  terms ;  and  the  victors 
treated  the  vanquished  with  the  most  considerate 


1777.]  SURRENDER    (.P    BURGOYNE.  149 

kindness.  The  prisoners  were  five  thousand, 
six  hundred  and  forty-two.  The  previous  losses 
of  the  British  had  been  nearly  four  thousand; 
and  thus  was  this  fine  army,  which  entered  the 
country  with  such  an  imposing  front,  completely 
disposed  of. 

The  British  garrison  at  Ticonderoga  retreated 
at  once  to  Canada.  The  expedition  to  relieve 
Burgoyne,  which  had  advanced  up  the  river  within 
fifty  miles  of  Albany,  fell  back  to  New  York, 
upon  hearing  of  Burgoyne's  capitulation.  Gene- 
ral Gates  was  ordered  to  other  points  with  the 
regular  army,  the  volunteers  returned  to  their 
homes,  and  the  country  in  Vermont  and  vicinity 
was  no  more  the  scene  of  any  important  opera- 
tions during  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  While 
having  less  to  attach  themselves  to  the  cause 
than  any  other  part  of  the  country,  and  contend- 
ing with  single  states  and  with  the  United  States 
for  their  very  existence,  the  inhabitants  of  Ver- 
mont showed  a  constancy  in  their  patriotism 
which  entitled  them  to  the  highest  honour.  We 
have  already  quoted  the  testimony  of  General 
Burgoyne  to  their  character.  In  the  capture  of 
the  British  army,  they  performed  an  important 
part,  as  they  had  previously  done  in  the  invasion 
of  Canada  by  the  American  forces. 

13* 


150  HISTORY    OF   VERMONT.  [1777. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Delay  in  the  organization  of  the  Vermont  state  government — 
Reassembling  of  the  convention  —  Recognition  by  New 
Hampshire — First  election  of  assemblymen — Continued  op- 
position of  New  York — Proclamation  of  Governor  Clinton 
— Steady  course  of  Vermont — Answer  of  Ethan  Allen  to 
Governor  Clinton — Constitution  of  Vermont — Its  original 
features — Modifications — Simple  forms  of  legislation— Go- 
vernor Chittenden — Anecdote  of  the  Landlord  Governor — 
Biographical  notice — Summary  of  his  character — First  meet- 
ing of  the  Vermont  legislature — Embarrassing  proposals 
from  sixteen  towns  in  New  Hampshire — Adjournment  of 
the  legislators  to  consult  their  constituents — The  sixteen 
towns  received  into  union — Remonstrance  of  New  Hamp- 
shire—  Appeals  to  Congress — Colonel  Ethan  Allen  visit* 
Philadelphia  to  consult  with  the  members — New  York  dif- 
ficulty— Vermont  hesitates  to  perfect  the  union — Secession 
of  a  portion  of  her  legislators — They  convene  to  form  a  new 
state — Vermont  cuts  off  the  sixteen  towns — New  Hampshire 
and  New  York  each  claim  the  whole  of  her  territory — In- 
terference of  Massachusetts. 

PREVIOUS  to  its  adjournment,  the  convention 
which  met  at  Windsor  in  July,  1777,  appointed  a 
day  in  December  following,  for  the  election  of 
representatives,  to  meet  at  Windsor  in  January. 
But  the  invasion  of  Burgoyne  so  much  occupied 
people's  thoughts  and  attention  that  the  consti- 
tution was  not  printed  in  season  for  the  people 
to  understand  and  hold  their  first  meeting  under 
it.  Many  of  the  frontier  settlements  of  Ver- 


1777.]      MEETING   OF   THE   LEGISLATURE.         151 

mont  were  broken  up  after  the  retreat  of  the 
Americans  from  Canada,  in  1776,  and  during 
the  confusion  of  the  following  year.  It  is  re- 
markable that  the  new  state  kept  up  even  the  form 
of  organization  at  such  a  crisis,  and  amid  such 
confusion.  It  was  only  done  by  perfect  confi- 
dence in  the  leaders,  and  by  their  worthiness  of 
the  trust  reposed  in  them.  The  council  of  safety, 
finding  that  the  election  could  not  take  place  at 
the  time  appointed,  called  together  again  the 
convention  which  had  framed  the  constitution. 
That  Jjody  assembled,  revised  the  instrument 
which  they  had  passed  at  the  former  meeting, 
and  directed  the  first  election  under  it  to  take 
place  in  March  following,  and  the  first  meeting 
j)f  the  legislature  in  the  same  month.  The 
election  and  the  legislative  session  took  place 
accordingly,  the  constitution  going  into  effect 
without  the  form  of  ratification  by  the  people. 
New  Hampshire  recognised  the  new  order  of 
things,  almost  before  the  people  of  Vermont. 
Upon  the  alarm  occasioned  by  the  fall  of  Ti- 
conderoga,  which  occurred  while  the  convention 
which  framed  the  constitution  was  still  in  session, 
when  an  appeal  was  made  to  New  Hampshire 
for  aid,  the  executive  of  that  state,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  Vermont  as  a  free,  sovereign,  but 
new  state,  recognised  the  new  commonwealth. 

New  York  was  not,  however,  disposed  to  re- 
linquish  jurisdiction    so   readily.      The   vexed 


HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1778. 

question  of  land  titles,  and  the  pledged  protec- 
tion of  the  state  to  certain  holders  under  her 
grants  were  in  the  way,  as  also,  no  doubt,  some 
pride.  In  February,  1778,  while  the  election 
of  the  Vermon't  legislature  was  pending,  the  go- 
vernor of  New  York  issued  a  proclamation,  af- 
firming certain  land  titles,  and  adopting  a  more 
conciliatory  tone  than  had  been  the  custom  under 
the  royal  regime ;  but  still  declaring,  in  reference 
to  the  resistants,  that  New  York  would  "vigor- 
ously maintain  its  rightful  supremacy  over  the 
persons  and  property  of  those  disaffected  sub- 
jects." Little  Vermont,  however,  unawed  by 
threats,  was  equally  invulnerable  to  mingled 
threats  and  cajolery;  and  having  taken  her  stand, 
was  resolved  to  maintain  it.  In  the  spring  of 
this  year  (1778)  Ethan  Allen  returned  from  his 
forced  foreign  travels,  and  his  detention  as 
prisoner  in  his  own  country  ;  and  he  made  early 
use  of  his  pen  by  publishing  an  answer  to  the 
New  York  proclamation,  in  which  he  declared 
that  its  overtures  were  "  all  romantic,  designed 
only  to  deceive  backwoods  people." 

The  original  constitution  of  Vermont  had 
many  peculiarities  which  have  been  since  aban- 
doned. It  was  thoroughly  democratic,  extending 
suffrage  in  a  far  more  liberal  spirit  than  any 
other  of  the  states.  Every  man  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  who  had  resided  a  year  in  the  state 
previous  to  the  election,  was  entitled  to  vote.  The 


1778.]  ORIGINAL    CONSTITUTION.  153 

executive  power  was  originally  vested  in  a  go- 
vernor, lieutenant-governor,  and  a  council  of 
twelve,  elected  at  the  time  when  the  representa- 
tives were  chosen.  The  legislature  consisted  of 
one  body  only,  called' the  assembly,  the  members 
of  which  were  required  to  make  a  subscription 
to  a  belief  in  God,  and  the  inspiration  of  the 
Scriptures,  and  to  make  a  profession  of  the  Pro- 
testant faith.  Each  town  had  one  representative, 
and  no  more.  The  council  could  suggest  amend- 
ments in  the  acts  passed,  but  had  no  legislative 
power,  and  no  absolute  veto.  Every  law  was  at 
first  required  to  lie  over  one  session,  except  in 
urgent  cases,  and  be  printed  for  the  information 
of  the  people.  Schools  in  every  town  were  re- 
quired by  the  constitution.  No  person,  born  in 
this  country  or  brought  from  over  sea,  could  be 
held  in  servitude  or  apprenticeship,  except  for 
crime  or  debt,  unless  by  their  own  consent  after 
reaching  majority.  A  council  of  thirteen  cen- 
sors was  chosen  every  thirteen  years  to  inquire 
into  violations  of  the  constitution,  and  recom- 
mend amendments  if  necessary ;  but  their  of- 
fice would  seem  to  have  been  nearly  a  sinecure, 
so  far  as  amendments  were  concerned. 

In  1785  a  revision  took  place,  in  which  the 
requirement  that  laws  should  lay  over  a  year 
was  abandoned,  except  in  cases  where  the  go- 
vernor and  council  objected  to  any  portion.  At 
the  same  revisal,  the  requirement  of  a  Protest- 


154  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1778. 

ant  faitli  in  the  representatives  was  stricken  out; 
and  at  another  revision,  in  1793,  all  religious 
subscription  was  abolished.  For  nearly  fifty 
years  the  constitution  remained  unaltered,  ex- 
cept in  the  introduction  of  an  article  providing 
for  the  naturalization  of  foreigners ;  but  in 
1836  Vermont  accommodated  her  mode  of  le- 
gislation to  that  of  the  other  states,  and  abolish- 
ing the  council  of  twelve,  adopted  a  senate  of 
thirty  members  in  its  stead.  Pennsylvania  had 
tried,  and  early  abandoned  the  plan  of  a  one- 
house  legislature;  and  it  is  remarkable  that 
Franklin  was  an  earnest  advocate  for  a  system 
which  experience  has  proved  inconvenient,  if  not 
impracticable.  The  other  important  provisions 
of  the  constitution  remain  as  in  the  beginning. 
The  judiciary  is  elected  by  the  legislature.  The 
expenses  of  the  government  of  Vermont  are 
upon  the  most  frugal  scale  possible ;  and  her 
laws  are  fewer  in  number,  and  less  in  bulk,  than 
those  of  any  other  state  in  the  Union. 

Thomas  Chittenden,  chosen  governor  of  Ver- 
mont at  the  first  election  in  1778,  held  that  of- 
fice by  annual  re-election  for  eighteen  years  ; 
and  during  the  whole  term  of  his  gubernatorial 
service  continued  his  occupation  of  farmer  and 
innkeeper.  It  is  related  that  a  stranger  from 
another  state,  having  business  with  the  governor, 
overtook  a  farmer  driving  a  load  of  hay,  and  in- 
quired of  him  the  way  to  the  residence  of  that 


1778.]  ANECDOTE    OF   CIIITTENDEN.  155 

official.  The  farmer  answered  that  it  was  a  short 
distance,  arid  he  was  going  directly  there ;  and 
the  stranger  walked  his  horse  behind  the  wagon, 
until  it  stopped  at  an  inn.  The  farmer  inquired 
if  the  horse  of  the  traveller  was  to  be  fed,  and 
receiving  a  reply  in  the  affirmative,  attended  to 
the  animal.  He  next  directed  his  boys  to  take 
charge  of  the  hay.  Then,  taking  off  his  farmer's 
frock,  and  washing  his  hands  and  head,  he  turned 
to  the  waiting  stranger:  "Now  then,  what  is  it 
you  want  of  the  governor?"  Such  practical  re- 
publicanism could  not  fail  to  be  popular,  since  it 
was  natural,  simple,  and  unaffected. 

Governor  Chittenden  was  a  native  of  Guilford, 
in  Connecticut,  and  having  early  filled  many 
posts  of  trust  in  his  native  state,  he  removed  to 
the  New  Hampshire  grants  in  1774.  He  had 
followed  the  custom  always  prevalent  in  unarti- 
ficial  communities,  and  early  taken  to  himself  a 
wife.  With  her  and  his  infant  children  he  es- 
tablished himself  on  the  borders,  in  the  township 
of  Williston,  and  was  in  the  successful  pursuit 
of  his  peaceful  occupations  when  the  difficulties 
with  Great  Britain  commenced.  He  was  ap- 
pointed one  of  a  committee  sent  to  Philadelphia, 
in  1775,  to  procure  intelligence  of  the  measures 
which  Congress  intended  to  pursue,  and  to  take 
advice  as  to  the  course  which  should  be  adopted 
by  the  people  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants. 

Upon  the  retreat  of  the  American  army  from 


HISTORY    OF    VERMONT.  [1778. 

Canada,  in  1776,  Mr.  Chlttenden,  with  others  in 
the  border  towns,  was  compelled  to  withdraw  to 
escape  the  ravages  of  war  and  Indian  treachery. 
He  took  up  his  temporary  abode  in  Arlington, 
and  became  at  once  one  of  the  most  prominent 
men  in  the  affairs  of  the  state.  He  was  presi- 
dent of  the  council  of  safety,  and  his  practical 
knowledge  was  very  useful  to  his  compatriots  in 
the  management  of  their  complicated  business. 
Mr.  Chittenden  was  one  of  the  earliest  advocates 
for  a  separate  state  government,  as  the  best  mode 
of  determining  the  complicated  questions  of  ju- 
risdiction, raised  by  New  York  and  New  Hamp- 
shire. This  purpose  he  steadily  pursued  until 
he  saw  Vermont  acknowledged  by  the  neighbour- 
ing states,  and  Admitted  as  a  member  of  the 
Federal  Union.  He  was  a  member  of  the  con- 
vention which  framed  the  state  government,  and 
indeed  was  identified  with  all  the  measures  of 
importance  undertaken  by  the  people  of  Ver- 
mont while  he  lived,  which  was  to  the  appointed 
limit — "  three  score  years  and  ten."  As  governor 
he  kept  down  party  spirit  by  his  moderation  and 
calmness ;  and  the  want  of  a  liberal  education, 
which  must  in  some  situations  operate  as  a  great 
disadvantage,  in  the  case  of  Governor  Chitten- 
den was  perhaps  a  decided  benefit  to  the  interests 
of  the  state.  In  his  day  no  gubernatorial  speech 
or  message  opened  the  sessions  of  the  assembly, 
but  the  legislators  proceeded  directly  to  the 


1778.]  SUMMARY   OF    CHARACTER.  157 

business,  which  their  modest  pay — six  shillings 
currency  per  day — did  not  tempt  them  to  pro- 
long, or  needlessly  to  make  intricate.  The  go- 
vernor's salary  was  on  the  same  modest  scale, 
being  originally  fixed  at  X150  per  annum  ;  and 
the  whole  proceedings  of  this  truly  republican 
body  were  marked  by  the  utmost  simplicity  and 
plainness. 

The  narrative,  as  we  proceed,  will  exhibit  such 
of  the  public  acts  of  Governor  Chittenden  as 
possess  historical  interest.  No  better  connec- 
tion than  the  present  can  perhaps  be  found  to 
give  a  summary  of  his  character.  We  quote 
from  Thompson's  History  of  Vermont.  "Al- 
most every  age  of  the  world  has  produced  indi- 
viduals, who  seem  to  have  been  moulded  by 
nature  particularly  for  the  exigencies  of  the 
times  in  which  they  lived.  There  have  always 
been  some  master  spirits,  who  were  peculiarly 
fiitted  to  control  the  agitated  waters  of  public 
opinion,  and  either  to  soothe  them  into  a  calm, 
or  else  to  mount  upon  the  wind  and  direct  the 
waves;  and  the  results  attained  under  their  gui- 
dance have  usually  been  happy  or  otherwise,  ac- 
cording as  the  ruling  motives  of  the  leaders  have 
been  patriotic  or  selfish.  These  results,  it  is 
true,  are  materially  affected  by  the  amount  of 
virtue  and  intelligence  among  the  people ;  but 
virtue  and  intelligence  do  not,  alone,  fit  an  indi- 
vidual for  becoming  a  popular  and  successful 
14 


HISTORY   OP   VERMONT.  [1778, 

leader  in  troublesome  times.  There  is  necessary, 
in  addition  to  these,  a  certain  indescribable  tact 
and  native  energy  which  few  individuals  have 
possessed,  and  which,  perhaps,  no  one  in  our 
state  has  manifested  in  a  more  eminent  degree 
than  Governor  Chittenden. 

"He  had  not,  indeed,  enjoyed  many  of  the 
advantages  of  education ;  but  his  want  of  learning 
was  amply  compensated  by  the  possession  of  a 
strong  ancl^  active  mind,  which  at  the  time  he  emi- 
grated to  Vermont  was  matured  by  age,  prac- 
tised to  business,  and  enriched  by  a  careful 
observance  of  men  and  things.  His  knowledge 
was  practical  rather  than  theoretic.  He  was 
regular  in  his  habits,  plain  and  simple  in  his 
manners,  averse  to  ostentation  of  equipage  or 
dress;  and  he  cared  little  for  the  luxuries,  the 
blandishments,  or  the  etiquette  of  refined  society. 
In  short,  though  he  was  destitute  of  many  of  the 
qualifications  now  deemed  essential  in  a  states- 
man, he  possessed  all  that  were  necessary,  and 
none  that  were  superfluous,  in  the  times  in  which 
he  lived ;  and  he  was  probably  far  better  fitted 
to  be  the  leader  and  governor  of  the  independent, 
dauntless  and  hardy,  but  uncultivated  settlers  of 
Vermont,  than  would  have  been  a  man  of  more 
theoretic  knowledge  or  polite  accomplishments." 

The  very  first  meeting  of  the  Vermont  legis- 
lature was  embarrassed  by  the  presentation  of  a 
dilemma.  The  Ne\v  Hampshire  towns  contiguous 


1778.]  EMBARRASSING    PETITION.  159 

to  Vermont  had  not  been  unmindful  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  new  state,  an-d  having  a  com- 
munity of  feeling  and  interest  with  the  people 
of  this  model  commonwealth,  they  were  desirous 
of  a  closer  union.  Accordingly,  on  March  12th, 
the  first  day  of  the  assembling  of  the  legislature, 
a  petition  was  presented  from  sixteen  towns  in 
New  Hampshire,  praying  to  be  admitted  as 
members  of  the  state  of  Vermont.  The  petition 
set  forth  that  they,  the  said  sixteen  towns,  "  were 
not  connected  with  any  state  with  respect  to 
their  internal  police."  The  argument  by  which 
they  defended  this  assertion  was,  that  the  origi- 
nal grant  of  the  province  to  John  Mason  was 
circumscribed  by  a  line  drawn  at  the  distance  of 
sixty  miles  from  the  sea,  and  not  including  the 
territory  immediately  adjoining  the  Connecticut 
River.  These  towns  were,  like  Vermont  west 
of  the  river,  "New  Hampshire  grants,"  being 
annexed  to  that  state  solely  by  royal  commis- 
sions, supplementary  to  the  original  charter. 
These  commissions,  they  argued,  could  be  of 
force  no  longer  than  while  the  authority  of  the 
crown  subsisted  ;  and  as  all  royal  authority  was 
done  away,  the  obligation  which  annexed  them 
to  the  state  of  New  Hampshire  was  done  away 
with  it.  And  they,  therefore,  reasoned  that  it 
belonged  to  the  people  to  determine  what  state 
they  would  join,  and  what  government  they 
would  be  under.  It  did  not  perhaps  occur  to 


160  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1778. 

the  friends  of  this  measure  that  their  argument 
proved  too  much,  and  that  the  same  objections 
which  they  urged  against  the  royal  grants  would 
operate  with  equal  force  against  the  original 
royal  charter.  But  when  the  "  wish  is  father  to 
the  thought,"  we  cannot  expect  impartial  reason- 
ing or  discriminating  logic. 

The  disposal  of  the  application  was  a  sad 
puzzle  to  the  neophytes  in  legislation.  The  re- 
presentatives of  the  towns  west  of  the  mountains 
were  decidedly  opposed  to  the  petitioners  ;  and 
probably,  could  the  question  have  been  decided 
at  once,  the  majority  of  the  assembly  would  have 
voted  to  dismiss  the  petition.  But  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  towns  on  the  Connecticut  River, 
being  allured  by  feelings  of  interest  and  neigh- 
bourhood to  the  petitioners,  more  than  intimated 
that  unless  the  New  Hampshire  towns  were  re- 
ceived, they  would  secede  from  Vermont,  and 
join  with  the  petitioners  in  the  erection  of  a  new 
state.  Afraid  of  the  responsibility  of  a  decision, 
and  unacquainted  with  their  precise  powers  in  such 
an  unexpected  position,  the  legislature  adjourned 
on  the  18th  of  March,  to  consult  their  constituents. 

The  advocates  of  the  union  of  the  new  towns 
were  indefatigable  in  their  exertions  to  secure 
the  members  of  the  legislature  and  produce  such 
an  impression  as  they  desired ;  and  when  the  as- 
sembly met,  by  adjournment,  on  the  4th  of  June, 
it  appeared  that  a  majority  of  the  members  were 


1778.]     NEW  HAMPSHIRE  TOWNS  ANNEXED.      161 

in  favour  of  the  annexation.  It  was  represented 
to  the  assembly  that  the  inhabitants  of  these 
towns  were  unanimous  in  their  desire  to  join 
Vermont,  and  that  New  Hampshire,  as  a  state, 
would  make  no  objection.  Under  these  repre- 
sentations the  assembly  voted — thirty-seven  to 
twelve — that  the  union  should  take  place.  And 
the  assembly  further  resolved,  that  any  other  of 
the  towns  on  the  New  Hampshire  bank  of  the 
Connecticut  River  might  come  into  Vermont, 
upon  producing  a  vote  of  the  inhabitants  to  that 
effect,  or  sending  a  representative.  And  having 
thus,  with,  admirable  indifference  to  what  New 
Hampshire  might  say  upon  the  subject,  cut  them 
selves  off,  with  a  provision  to  accommodate  more 
deserting  communities,  the  sixteen  towns  politely 
announced  to  the  government  of  New  Hampshire 
that  they  had  shaken  off  her  jurisdiction;  and 
they  requested  that  a  division  line  might  be  es- 
tablished, and  a  friendly  intercourse  be  still 
maintained  between  the  severed  members  and 
New  Hampshire. 

As  may  readily  be  imagined,  the  New  Hamp- 
shire legislature  were  not  at  all  prepared  to  sub- 
mit to  a  proceeding  which  would  at  once  dismem- 
ber their  state,  and  establish  a  precedent  which 
might  lead  to  endless  confusion.  No  landmarks 
and  no  boundaries  would  be  safe  under  such  lati- 
tudinarian  construction.  The  legislature  of 
New  Hampshire  authorized  the  president  of  the 

14* 


162  HISTORY    OF    VERMONT.  [1778. 

council  of  safety,  Mesheck  Weare,  to  correspond, 
under  instructions,  with  Vermont,  and  with  the 
delegates  of  the  state  in  Congress.  To  the  latter 
he  wrote  on  the  19th  of  August,  urging  them  to 
take  advice  and  procure  the  interposition  of 
Congress;  intimating  his  apprehensions  that  this 
would  be  the  only  method  in  which  the  contro- 
versy could  be  settled  without  the  effusion  of 
blood,  since  all  overtures  of  reconciliation  made 
to  the  towns  had  been  in  vain. 

To  the  governor  of  Vermont,  Mr.  Weare  wrote, 
claiming  the  sixteen  towns  as  part  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. He  based  his  claim  on  the  known  bound- 
aries of  the  state  before  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence ;  on  their  sending  delegates  to  the 
provincial  convention ;  on  their  petitions  to  the 
assembly  for  arms  and  ammunition  ;  on  their  re- 
ceiving commissions  from  the  state  government, 
and  acting  as  a  part  of  the  state.  He  also  an- 
nounced that  the  minority  in  the  sixteen  towns 
had  claimed  that  protection  which  the  govern- 
ment was  bound  by  every  consideration  to  afford ; 
and  he  urged  Governor  Chittenden  to  exert  his 
influence  with  the  assembly  of  Vermont  to  dis- 
solve a  connection  which  would  endanger  their 
peace,  and  probably  their  political  existence. 
On  the  reception  of  this  communication,  Go- 
vernor Chittenden  convened  the  council,  and  the 
result  of  their  deliberations  was  to  despatch  Co- 
lonel Ethan  Allm  to  Philadelphia,  to  asceitaia 


1778.]  NEW   YORK    DIFFICULTIES.  163 

how  the  proceedings  of  Vermont  were  regarded 
by  the  members  of  Congress. 

While  in  this  dispute  with  New  Hampshire, 
the  government  of  Vermont  was  perplexed  also 
with  its  New  York  difficulties.  Governor  Clinton 
was  in  correspondence  with  the  adherents  of 
New  York  in  Vermont,  and  under  his  advice 
their  procee  lings  began  to  take  form  and  import- 
ance. In  a  letter  of  July  7th,  to  one  of  his 
friends,  he  said,  "  I  would  still,  as  on  a  former 
occasion,  earnestly  recommend  a  firm  and  pru- 
dent resistance  to  the  draughting  of  men,  raising 
of  taxes,  and  the  exercise  of  every  act  of  govern- 
ment under  the  ideal  Vermont  state ;  and  in 
towns  where  our  friends  are  sufficiently  powerful 
for  the  purpose,  I  would  advise  the  entering  into 
association  for  the  mutual  defence  of  their  per- 
sons and  estates  against  this  usurpation."  Go- 
vernor Clinton  also  addressed  Congress  upon  the 
same  subject,  urging  that  body  to  come  to  some 
decision.  In  this  letter  he  reflected  strongly 
upon  Vermont  for  her  proceedings,  and  predicted 
that  without  the  interposition  of  Congress  they 
must  result  in  a  civil  war.  And  he  declared 
that  all  the  grievances  of  which  Vermont  com- 
plained, were  from  the  former  government  of 
New  York,  and  not  from  the  present. 

Governor  Chittenden  and  his  council  had  in- 
deed a  difficult  course  before  them.  In  addition 
to  these  difficulties  from  without,  and  the  partial 


164  HISTtRY   OF    VERMONT.  [1778. 

disaffection  within,  which  gave  pretext  to  the 
New  York  pretensions,  the  spirit  of  the  Green 
Mountain  Boys  made  them  not  a  little  unma- 
nageable. Having  erected  a  state,  and  put  the 
machinery  of  government  into  operation,  they 
were  not  a  little  elated  at  their  success,  and  at 
the  appreciation  of  it  which  the  New  Hampshire 
tawns  showed  in  their  desire  for  union.  But  the 
wings  of  the  Vermont  legislature  were  a  little 
clipped  by  the  report  which  they  received  from 
Philadelphia.  Colonel  Allen  returned  from  his 
mission  in  October,  and  the  assembly  was  sum- 
moned to  act  upon  his  communication. 

The  report  which  the  messenger  brought  from 
Philadelphia  was,  the  members  of  Congress  were 
unanimously  opposed  to  the  dismemberment  of 
New  Hampshire  ;  but  that  if  proceedings  in  that 
regard  were  annulled,  there  would  be  nobody  to 
oppose  the  admission  of  Vermont  into  the  Union, 
except  the  representatives  from  New  York. 
This  understanding,  of  course,  was  informal, 
based  on  conversation  with  the  members,  and 
not  on  any  action  of  Congress  as  a  body.  The 
subject  was  considered  and  debated  several  days, 
and  was  at  length  closed  by  three  votes,  indi- 
cating rather  than  affirming  the  opinion  of  the 
assembly. 

At  the  first  session  of  the  legislature  the  state 
was  divided  into  two  counties.  Bennington  on 
the  west,  and  Cumberland  on  the  east  of  the 


1778.]  SECESSION   OF    LEGISLATORS.  165 

mountains.  On  the  question,  "  Shall  the  coun- 
ties in  this  state  remain  as  they  were  established 
in  March  last  ?"  the  vote  was  affirmative,  thirty- 
five  to  twenty-six.  The  question,  "  Shall  the 
towns  on  the  east  of  the  Connecticut  River  be 
included  in  the  county  of  Cumberland  ?"  the 
decision  was  in  the  negative  :  yeas  twenty-eight, 
nays  thirty- three.  The  question,  "  Shall  said 
towns  be  erected  into  a  county  by  themselves?" 
was  negatived  by  the  same  vote.  Discovering 
by  these  indications  that  the  assembly  hesitated 
to  assume  jurisdiction  over  the  New  Hampshire 
towns,  the  representatives  from  these  towns 
withdrew,  and  were  followed  by  the  lieutenant- 
governor,  two  of  the  council,  and  fifteen  mem- 
bers of  the  assembly  from  towns  in  Vermont 
proper.  The  number  left  was  barely  sufficient 
to  form  a  quorum.  The  legislature  finished  its 
business,  and  adjourned  to  meet  again  in  Feb- 
ruary, after  in  the  mean  while  consulting  their 
constituents.  This  mode  of  proceeding,  to  avoid 
responsibility,  appears  to  have  been  quite  a 
favourite  course  in  the  early  days  of  the  young 
state.  It  was  certainly  primitive  and  demo- 
cratic. 

The  seceding  members  were  not  disposed  to 
give  up  the  matter,  but  entered  a  formal  protest 
upon  the  journal  of  the  assembly  against  its 
proceedings,  and  then  went  on  to  set  up  for 
themselves.  They  called  a  convention  tc  as- 


166  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1778. 

semble  at  Cornish,  one  of  the  sixteen  towns,  on 
the  9th  of  December,  the  understood  object  of 
which  was  to  establish  a  new  government,  the 
centre  of  which  should  be  the  Connecticut 
River.  Only  eight  towns  on  the  west  of  the 
river  were  represented,  and  these  did  not  enter 
very  heartily  into  the  proceedings,  some  of  them 
declining  to  take  any  part.  This  convention 
proposed  to  New  Hampshire  to  agree  upon  a 
division  line — to  submit  the  line  to  Congress,  or 
to  refer  it  to  arbitration.  Or,  if  none  of  these 
propositions  were  acceptable,  they  declared  that 
they  were  willing  that  the  whole  of  the  New 
Hampshire  grants,  now  Vermont,  should  be 
re-annexed  to  New  Hampshire,  in  accordance 
with  the  views  of  Governor  Wentworth,  who  is- 
sued them. 

The  Green  Mountain  Boys  opened  their  eyes. 
The  whole  animus  of  the  movement  was  now 
apparent,  the  sixteen  towns  evidently  having 
no  other  object  than  to  form  a  government,  the 
centre  of  which  should  be  upon  the  Connecti- 
cut River.  How  this  was  to  be  done,  whether  by 
uniting  a  considerable  part  of  New  Hampshire 
with  Vermont,  or  giving  Vermont  entire  to  New 
Hampshire,  was  a  secondary  consideration,  pro- 
vided only  that  the  metropolis  of  the  new  state 
was  in  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut.  Since 
the  subject  was  brought  home  so  directly  to 
their  own  interest,  they  could  perceive  th« 


1778.]  RIVAL   CLAIMANTS. 

injustice  and  impolicy  of  dismembering  a.  state  ; 
and  the  legislature  which  met  on  the  llth  of 
February  barely  gave  itself  time  to  organize  be- 
fore it  dissolved  the  union  with  the  New  Hamp- 
shire towns. 

But  it  is  a  great  deal  easier  to  make  a 
false  step  than  to  retrieve  it — to  get  into  dif- 
ficulty than  to  find  the  way  out.  Vermont 
formally  notified  New  Hampshire  of  her  de- 
cision, while  at  the  same  time  the  convention 
of  seceders  were  operating  upon  the  legisla- 
ture of  that  state.  The  legislature  of  New 
Hampshire,  acting  upon  the  suggestion  of 
some  of  her  leading  men,  determined  upon 
a  summary  settlement  of  the  whole  question. 
She  resolved  the  whole  of  Vermont  under  her 
jurisdiction,  in  pursuance  of  the  old  Wentworth 
grants,  and  memoralized  Congress  accordingly. 
New  York  also  put  in  her  claim,  and  petitioned 
Congress  for  the  whole  territory  in  pursuance 
of  the  old  royal  decisions.  The  suspicion  was 
not  unreasonably  entertained,  that  there  was 
a  purpose  in  these  conflicting  demands  to  di- 
vide the  bone  of  contention  between  the  two 
states,  and  settle  the  dispute  by  giving  half  of 
Vermont  to  each. 

A  new  claimant  now  appeared,  as  if  the 
matter  were  not  already  sufficiently  complicated. 
Massachusetts  demanded  a  share  of  the  con- 
tested territory,  and  made  u  very  plausible 


168  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1778. 

argument.  New  Hampshire  had  belonged  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  New  York  and  Massachu- 
setts, and  the  precise  bounds  between  these  two 
states  were  not  yet  determined.  Whichever 
of  the  two  contending  states  should  acquire  the 
disputed  territory,  Massachusetts  would  come 
in  upon  it  like  an  encumbrance  upon  a  con- 
tested estate.  It  is,  however,  a  matter  of 
doubt  whether  the  motives  of  Massachusetts 
were  really  to  assert  a  claim,  or  to  postpone 
the  absorption  of  the  little  state  which  was  so 
gallantly  contending  with  her  powerful  neigh- 
bours. Whatever  might  have  been  the  inten- 
tion, the  effect  was  to  save  Vermont  from  being 
summarily  divided. 


1778.]          ACTION    OF   THE    "YORKERS."  169 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Trouble  with  the  adherents  of  New  York  in  Vermont — Con- 
trast between  the  New  York  and  Vermont  claimants — Prin- 
ciples involved  in  the  dispute — Vermont  Congregationalists 
— Wallumschaick — Tenure  of  Rev.  Godfrey  Dellius — Con- 
vention of  "Yorkers"  at  Brattleboro — Petition  to  the  go- 
vernor of  New  York — Military  organization — The  New 
York  officers  captured  by  Ethan  Allen — Appeals  to  Congress 
— Commissioners  appointed  by  Congress — New  York  and 
New  Hampshire  authorize  Congress  to  adjudicate  between 
them — Massachusetts  declines — Vermont  makes  an  appeal 
to  the  world — Extracts  from  that  document — Congress  cen- 
sures Vermont  by  resolution — Governor  Chittenden's  reply 
— Sagacity  of  Vermont  statesmen — Agents  from  Vermont 
sent  to  observe  the  proceedings  of  Congress — Their  with- 
drawal and  protest — Indefinite  postponement  of  the  matter 
by  Congress — Indian  forays — False  alarm. 

THE  condition  of  the  little  state  of  Vermont 
was  now  more  perplexing  than  ever.  Hitherto, 
while  demonstrations  had  been  made  against  her 
from  without,  there  had  been  a  majority  within 
in  favour  of  her  independence,  sufficient  to  over- 
awe or  silence .  the  minority  who  supported  the 
claims  of  New  York.  But  now,  acting  upon  the 
suggestions  of  Governor  Clinton,  and  in  keeping 
with  the  spirit  and  temper  of  the  times,  when 
every  thing  was  determined,  by  conventions  and 
associations,  the  "Yorkers,"  as  the  adherents 
of  that  interest  were  termed,  began  to  form 

15 


170  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1779, 

their.selves  into  organized  bodies,  to  resist  the 
authority  of  the  "  pretended  state."  The  friends 
of  the  New  York  claims  met  in  Brattleboro,  on 
the  4th  of  May,  1779.  The  removal  of  foreign 
invasion  from  the  vicinity  of  Vermont,  by  the 
capture  of  Burgoyne,  appears  to  have  given  the 
disputants  leisure  to  reimbark  in  their  old  dis- 
putes with  increased  zeal  and  acrimony. 

There  was  something  besides  mere  proprietor- 
ship in  land  which  imbittered  the  contest.  The 
actual  settlers  in  Vermont  were  men  who  had 
made  comparatively  small  purchases,  and  im- 
proved them  by  the  labour  of  their  own  hands, 
and  the  joint  assistance  of  their  families.  They 
had  entered  upon  the  work  poor  in  money,  but 
rich  in  resolution  ;  in  many  cases  bringing  no- 
thing with  them  except  what  could  be  transported 
on  horseback.  Others  chose  winter  for  their 
journey,  and  drew  their  little  household  gear 
on  hand-sleds ;  and  sometimes  the  mothers,  if 
infirm,  and  the  children,  were  drawn  to  the  place 
of  their  future  habitation  by  their  husbands  and 
brothers.  And  other  families  carried  all  their 
possessions  in  packs  upon  their  shoulders.  Thus, 
says  a  late  writer,  Mr.  De  Puy,  would  a  single 
family  move  into  a  township,  and  reside  months 
without  seeing  any  other  human  being.  Mr. 
Amos  Cutler,  the  first  settler  in  the  town  of 
Brandon,  spent  an  entire  winter  without  seeing 
any  other  person ;  and  Mr.  Abyah  Wheelock,  an 


1779.]  RELIGIOUS    FREEDOM.  171 

early  pioneer  of  Calais,  after  a  flourishing  town 
had  grown  up  around  him,  would  allude  plea- 
santly to  the  hermit  life  he  had  formerly  endured, 
by  asserting  that  there  had  been  a  time  when  he 
was  the  most  respectable  man  in  the  town  !  The 
wife  of  Thomas  Whitmore,  the  earliest  settler  in 
Marlborough,  spent  the  most  of  one  winter  alone, 
her  husband  being  absent  on  business.  This 
lady  lived  to  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-seven 
years,  and  saw  a  flourishing  state  grow  up  where 
a  few  scattered  families  resided  when  she  entered 
the  territory. 

Being  chiefly  emigrants  from  Connecticut  and 
Massachusetts,  the  Vermont  settlers  carried  with 
them  the  practically  democratic  notions  of  those 
commonwealths.  In  some  respects  they  were 
even  in  advance  of  their  New  England  compa- 
triots, giving  the  first  lesson  to  New  England  of  / 
true  religious  liberty.  The  first  church  organ-  , 
ized  on  the  grants  was  at  Bennington,  in  1762 ; 
and  while  the  members  still  denominated  them- 
selves Congregationalists,  and  adopted  the  Cam- 
bridge "  platform,"  or  confession  of  faith  and 
rules  of  discipline,  they  omitted  such  parts  as 
united  the  secular  and  ecclesiastical  powers.  The 
aid  of  the  civil  magistrates  in  enforcing  the 
support  of  the  ministry,  and  their  power  over 
the  church  in  other  respects,  was  never  admitted 
in  Vermont. 

To  men  who  held  such  sentiments,  the  semi- 


172  HISTORY    OF   VERMONT.  [1779. 

feudal  tenure  of  the  New  York  grants  was  par- 
ticularly odious.  They  wished  a  state  of  free- 
holders, and  not  of  tenants.  They  desired  no 
class  of  "  patroons"  in  feudal  lordship  over 
leaseholders.  It  is  curious  to  observe  how  his- 
tory may  be  traced  in  trifling  circumstances. 
Almost  the  only  memorial  of  the  attempted  en- 
graftment  of  the  feudal  tenure  upon  Vermont, 
is  in  the  name  of  the  little  stream  called  the 
Walloomschaick,  a  branch  of  the  Hoosac  River. 
A  Dutch  gentleman  named  Wallum  purchased 
Bennington  of  the  governor  of  New  York,  before 
the  issue  of  the  New  Hampshire  grants.  Thence 
the  tract  was  called  Wallumschaick,  afterward 
changed  to  its  present  orthography — schaick 
meaning  scrip  or  patent.  The  first  disputes 
with  the  settlers  were  upon  this  patent. 

Another  New  York  grant,  dated  as  far  back 
as  1696,  when  Governor  Fletcher,  of  New  York, 
conferred  upon  Godfrey  Dellius,  minister  of  the 
Dutch  church  in  Albany,  eight  hundred  and 
forty  square  miles  of  the  present  territory  of 
Vermont,  the  condition  of  the  conveyance  being, 
"He  Yielding,  Rendering  and  Paying  therefore 
Yearly  and  every  Year  unto  Us,  our  Heirs  and 
Successors  on  the  Feast  Day  of  the  Annunciation 
of  our  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  at  our  City  of  New 
Yorke  the  Annual  Rente  of  one  Raccoon  Skinne, 
in  Hew  and  stead  of  all  other  Rents,  Services.. 
Dues,  Dutyes  and  demands  whatsoever  for  the 


1779.]  '     DELLIUS'S   GRANTS.  173 

said  Tract  of  Land  and  Islands  and  Premises." 
For  the  same  tract  Dellius,  who  seemed  disposed 
"  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,"  and  get  the 
full  value  of  raccoon  skins,  obtained  a  grant 
from  the  Mohawk  Indians.  But  a  succeeding 
governor  of  New  York  recommended  the  legis- 
lature to  annul  the  grants,  which  was  done  ac- 
cordingly. The  same  legislature  suspended 
Dellius  from  the  ministry  for  "  deluding  the  Mo- 
hawk Indians,  and  illegal  and  surreptitious  ob- 
taining of  said  grants."  Yet  Dellius  transferred 
his  claim  to  Rev.  John  Lydius,  his  successor. 
The  heirs  of  Lydius  sold  under  that  title,  and 
the  government  of  New  York  chose  to  recognise 
the  claim  during  the  disputes  with  Vermont. 
Ethan  Allen  and  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  sum- 
marily dispossessed  the  settlers  who  came  upon 
their  soil  under  such  a  pretext.  They  were  re- 
instated and  re-ejected,  and  this  "illegal  and 
surreptitious  deluding"  was  the  basis  of  much 
trouble  to  the  Green  Mountain  Boys.  The 
holders  under  New  York  of  these  and  similar 
titles  were  men  of  large  fortunes,  and  often  ob- 
tained their  large  grants  upon  such  terms  of 
favouritism  that  they  could  afford  easy  condi- 
tions to  those  who  would  settle  under  them.  It 
is  easy  to  see,  as  we  have  already  observed,  that 
the  sturdy  and  practical  republicans  of  Vermont 
found  principle  as  well  as  mere  interest  involved 
in  these  disputes. 

15* 


174  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT;  [1779 

But  the  New  York  party  were  pertinacious. 
They  met,  as  we  have  stated,  at  Brattleboro, 
and  drew  up  a  petition  to  the  governor  of  New 
York,  in  which  they  related  their  grievances, 
and  the  proceedings  which  were  in  progress  to 
confiscate  their  property,  and  entreated  his  ex- 
cellency to  "  take  immediate  measures  for  pro- 
tecting the  loyal  subjects  of  that  part  of  the 
state,  and  for  convincing  Congress  of  the  impro- 
priety of  delaying  a  decision  in  a  matter  which 
so  nearly  concerned  the  peace,  welfare,  and  lives 
of  so  many  of  their  firm  adherents."  Possibly 
the  fellow-feeling  of  large  landholders  in  New 
York,  who  had  similar  tenures  to  the  disputed 
ones  in  Vermont,  created  an  interest  in  their 
favour.  The  petition  was  replied  to  by  the  go- 
vernor of  New  York,  with  assurance  of  protec- 
tion, and  the  recommendation  that  the  author- 
ity of  Vermont  should  not  be  submitted  to, 
except  in  cases  where  the  alternative  was  ab- 
solute ruin. 

The  petitioners  took  another  step  in  their 
plans  of  resistance.  They  formed  a  military 
association,  and  representing  that  they  could 
form  a  regiment  of  five  hundred  men,  obtained 
the  necessary  commissions  from  New  York  for 
their  officers,  and  begged,  in  addition,  the  aid  of 
the  militia  of  Albany  county.  The  resistance 
to  this  movement  by  Vermont  was  prompt.  Co- 
lonel Ethan  Allen  had,  upon  his  return,  been 


1779.]      CAPTURE  OF  OFFICERS.         175 

invested  with  the  command  of  the  Vermont 
militia,  and  Governor  Chittenden  directed  him  to 
call  out  a  force  and  meet  this  difficulty.  Colonel 
Allen  marched  as  directed,  and  made  prisoners 
of  the  New  York  colonel  and  some  other  officers. 
The  governor  of  New  York  was  instantly  ap- 
pealed to,  in  behalf  of  his  officers  held  m  duress 
by  the  Green  Mountain  Boys.  Governor  Clinton, 
in  answer  to  a  former  communication,  had  assured 
the  adherents  of  New  York,  in  Vermont,  that  if  any 
attempt  was  made  to  reduce  them  by  force  of  arms, 
he  would  instantly  issue  his  orders  to  the  militia, 
"  who  were  properly  equipped,  and  who  would  in- 
stantly be  led  against  the  enemies  of  the  state, 
where ver  they  might  happen  to  be."  Probably  he 
did  not,  when  he  wrote  this  promise,  conceive  of  the 
possibility  of  a  case  arising  under  which  it  might 
be  claimed.  At  any  rate  wiser  counsels  prevailed 
than  the  opposition  of  force  by  force.  Governor 
Clinton  contented  himself  with  an  appeal  to  Con- 
gress, which  body  he  had  already  addressed  upon 
the  same  subject  within  a  month.  In  the  former 
letter  he  adverted  to  the  necessity  which  was  im- 
pending that  he  should  call  out  an  armed  body. 
He  intimated  the  possible  consequences  of  such 
a  proceeding,  but  said  that  justice,  the  faith  of 
government,  and  the  peace  and  safety  of  society 
would  not  permit  New  York  to  remain  passive 
while  such  acts  of  violence  were  committed  on 
her  citizens. 


176  HISTORY    OF   VERMONT.  [1779. 

In  answer  to  this  letter,  Congress,  by  a  reso- 
lution of  June  1st,  appointed  a  committee  of 
their  body  to  repair  to  the  district  known  as  the 
New  Hampshire  grants,  and  inquire  of  the  inha- 
bitants why  they  refused  to  continue  citizens  of 
the  respective  states  claiming  jurisdiction  over 
them.  The  committee  were  instructed  to  take 
all  prudent  measures  to  restore  quiet,  and  pre- 
vent animosities  and  divisions  so  prejudicial  to 
the  United  States.  Governor  Clinton's  second 
letter,  advising  Congress  of  the  actual  appeal  to 
arms,  arrived  before  the  above-named  committee 
had  departed  on  their  mission.  Congress  passed 
a  second  resolution,  June  16th,  in  which  they 
declared  that  the  officers  captured  by  Yermont 
ought  immediately  to  be  liberated,  and  in- 
structed their  committee  to  investigate  this  pro- 
ceeding also. 

Five  commissioners  were  appointed  to  repair 
to  Vermont,  two  only  of  whom  attended.  They 
made  many  inquiries,  held  many  conferences 
with  gentlemen  of  all  parties,  and  effected  no- 
thing. Exasperation  had  gone  too  far  to  admit 
of  compromise  or  reconciliation.  Four  parties 
claimed  jurisdiction — NewYork,  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  and  Vermont ;  and  it  was  not  in 
the  power  of  a  body  like  Congress,  which  had 
really  no  authority,  except  by  concession,  to  ad- 
judicate between  them.  The  difficulty  was  per- 
ceived, and  in  order  to  remove  it,  Congress 


1779.]  PROPOSED   AEBITEATION.  177 

earnestly  recommended  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  New  York,  to  .authorize  the  na- 
tional Congress  to  settle  the  dispute  for  them 
relative  to  their  boundaries.  Poor  little  Vermont 
was  entirely  ignored  in  this  matter,  Congress 
advising  those  persons  who  denied  the  territorial 
claims  of  the  above-named  states  to  abstain  from 
the  attempt  to  exercise  authority  over  those 
who  admitted  their  jurisdiction.  At  the  same 
time  the  said  states  were  requested  to  abstain 
from  executing  their  laws  over  those  who  "  have 
assumed  a  separate  jurisdiction,  which  they  call 
the  state  of  Vermont." 

Nothing  could  be  better  for  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire  than  this  proposal.  Vermont 
was  unrepresented  in  Congress,  and  unacknow- 
ledged ;  and  her  neighbours  had  only  to  divide 
her  territory  between  them,  and  thus  settle  the 
dispute  by  extinguishing  the  new  government. 
Fortunately  for  the  gallant;  little  state,  she  had 
a  fast  friend  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  sage 
counsellors  of  that  commonwealth  effectually 
barred  proceedings,  by  neglecting  or  refusing  to 
authorize  Congress  to  act  en  the  Massachusetts 
claim.  The  uncertainty  and  doubt  which  had 
hung  over  the  settlements  on  the  grants  w-.  re 
as  great  and  troublesome  as  ever.  Indeed,  if 
there  was  any  change  it  was  to  the  disadvantage 
of  Vermont,  since  the  proceedings  of  Con- 
gress evinced  a  willingness  to  sacrifice  Vermont, 


ITS  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1779 

rather  than  cause  a  rupture  with  the  two  states 
which  claimed  her  soil,  or  with  either  of  them. 
In  this  dilemma  Vermont  had  no  choice  but  to 
defend  the  position  she  had  assumed  ;  since  the 
recognition  of  four  separate  jurisdictions  was 
incompatible  with  any  condition  of  society. 
Moreover,  New  York  increased  and  aggravated 
the  difficulty  by  granting  commissions  to  her  ad- 
herents in  the  several  towns,  encouraging  spies, 
denying  the  acts  of  the  state  and  the  titles  of 
the  settlers  to  their  lands. 

In  order  to  keep  their  true  position  before  the 
world,  the  governor  and  council  of  Vermont 
published  an  appeal  on  the  10th  of  December, 
1779,  in  reference  to  the  foregoing  resolutions 
of  Congress.  It  was  drawn  up  by  Stephen  JR. 
Bradley,  Esq.,  and  while  as  firm  in  tone  as  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys'  manifestoes,  it  is  correct 
and  chaste  in  language.  We  subjoin  a  few  para- 
graphs. The  appeal,  in  behalf  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Vermont,  declared  "that  they  could  not 
hold  themselves  bounden,  in  the  sight  of  God  or 
man,  to  submit  to  the  execution  of  a  plan  which 
they  had  reason  to  believe  was  commenced  by 
neighbouring  states  :  That  the  liberties  and  pri- 
vileges of  the  state  of  Vermont  by  said  resolu- 
tions are  to  be  suspended  upon  the  arbitrement 
and  final  disposition  of  Congress,  when,  in  their 
opinion,  they  were  things  too  sacred  ever  to  be 
arbitrated  upon  at  all,  and  what  they  were 


1779.]     APPEAL  OF  THE  COUNCIL.       179 

bound  to  defend  at  every  risk :  That  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  had  no  right  to  inter- 
meddle in  the  internal  police  and  government  of 
Vermont:  That  the  state  existed,  independent 
of  any  of  the  thirteen  United  States,  and  was 
not  accountable  to  them,  or  to  their  representa- 
tives for  liberty,  the  gift  of  the  beneficent  Cre- 
ator :  That  the  state  of  Vermont  was  not  repre- 
sented in  Congress,  and  could  not  submit  to  re- 
solutions passed  without  their  consent,  or  even 
knowledge,  and  which  put  every  thing  that  was 
valuable  to  them  at  stake  :  That  there  appeared 
a  manifest  irregularity,  not  to  say  predetermina- 
tion, that  Congress  should  request  of  their  con- 
stituents power  to  judge  and  determine  in  the 
cause,  and  never  ask  of  thousands  whose  all  was 
at  stake:  They  also  declared  that  they  were, 
and  ever  had  been  ready  to  bear  their  proportion 
of  the  burden  and  expense  of  the  war  with 
Great  Britain,  from  its  first  commencement, 
whenever  they  were  admitted  into  the  Union  with 
the  other  states :  But  they  were  not  so  lost  to 
all  sense  and  honour,  that  after  four  years'  war 
with  Great  Britain,  in  which  they  had  expended 
so  much  blood  and  treasure,  that  they  should 
now  give  up  all  worth  fighting  for,  the  right  of 
making  their  own  laws  and  choosing  their  own 
form  of  government,  to  the  arbitration  of  any 
man  or  body  of  men  under  Heaven." 

Congress  had  proposed  to  take  up  the  matter 


180  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1780. 

in  dispute,  on  the  1st  of  February,  1780.  But 
the  subject  was  not  reached  in  that  body  until 
the  2d  of  June.  On  that  day  it  was  resolved 
that  the  proceedings  of  the  people  of  the  New 
Hampshire  grants  were  highly  unwarrantable, 
and  subyersive  of  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the 
United  States  ;  and  that  they  be  strictly  required 
to  forbear  from  any  acts  of  authority,  civil  or 
military,  over  those  of  the  people  who  professed 
allegiance  to  other  states.  By  resolution  on  a 
subsequent  day,  the  matter  was  deferred  until 
September. 

When  these  resolves  reached  Vermont,  Go- 
vernor Chittenden,  by  advice  of  his  council,  re- 
plied, that  "  however  Congress  might  view  these 
resolutions,  they  were  considered  by  the  people 
of  Vermont  as  being  in  their  nature  subversive 
of  the  natural  right  which  they  had  to  liberty 
and  independence,  as  well  as  incompatible  with 
the  principles  on  which  Congress  grounded  their 
own  right  to  independence,  and  had  a  natural 
and  direct  tendency  to  endanger  the  liberties  of 
America:  That  Vermont,  being  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent state,  had  denied  the  "authority  of  Con- 
gress to  judge  of  their  jurisdiction  ;  that  as  they 
were  not  included  in  the  thirteen  United  States, 
if  necessitated  to  it,  they  were  at  liberty  to  offer 
or  accept  terms  of  cessation  of  hostility  with 
Crreat  Britain,  without  the  approbation  of  any 
other  man  or  body  of  men  ;  for,  on  proviso  that 


1780.]       REPLY  TO  CONGRESS.         181 

neither  Congress,  nor  the  legislatures  of  those 
states  which  they  represent,  will  support  Ver- 
mont in  her  independence,  but  devote  her  to  the 
usurped  government  of  any  other  power,  she  had 
not  the  most  distant  motive  to  continue  hoatili- 
ties  with  Great  Britain,  and  maintain  an  im- 
portant frontier  for  the  United  States,  and  for 
no  other  reward  than  the  ungrateful  one  of 
being  enslaved  by  them ;  but  notwithstanding 
the  usurpation  and  injustice  of  neighbouring 
governments  toward  Vermont,  and  the  late 
resolutions  of  Congress,  yet,  from  a  principle 
of  virtue,  and  close  attachment  to  the  cause  of 
liberty,  as  well  as  from  a  thorough  examination 
of  their  own  policy,  they  were  induced  once 
_more_,.to  offer  union  with  the  United  States  of 
America,  of  which  Congress  were  the  legal  repre- 
sentative body." 

When  we  consider  the  difficult  position  of 
Vermont,  and  the  menaces  which  overhung  her 
in  so  many  directions,  we  cannot  but  admire  the 
sagacity  of  her  statesmen.  While  her  very 
existence  as  a  state  was  denied,  and  she  had 
no  representation  in  Congress,  she  was  compelled 
to  defend  herself  both  against  the  manifest  in- 
fluence of  that  body  and  against  the  machi- 
nations of  her  powerful  neighbours.  But  the 
part  which  Congress  had  to  perform  was  at  least 
as  difficult;  and  while  contemporaries  complained 
of  the  inaction  of  the  representatives  of  the 

16 


182  HISTORY   OF   VEKMOXT.  [1780. 

confederated  states,  we  can  now  readily  perceive 
that  their  true  wisdom  was  to  temporize.  In 
September,  1780,  the  vexed  question  of  jurisdic- 
tion came  up  again.  Although  Vermont  had 
protested  against  the  authority  of  Congress  to 
legislate  away  her  existence,  and  adjudicate 
upon  her  jurisdiction  while  she  had  no  repre- 
sentatives in  that  body,  still,  as  a  matter  of 
prudence,  she  sent  Ira  Allen  and  Stephen  R. 
Bradley  as  her  agents  to  watch  the  proceed- 
ings. These  agents  were  admitted  to  a  seat 
in  the  house,  but  not  to  a  voice  or  a  vote. 
They  remained  until  they  perceived,  by  the 
course  of  proceedings,  that  the  contest  was 
regarded  as  one  between  New  York  and  New 
Hampshire,  without  any  recognition  of  the 
existence  of  Vermont  as  a  separate  territory. 
Indignant  at  such  proceedings,  but  without 
power  to  interrupt  them,  the  agents  refused  to 
sit  as  tame  witnesses  of  the  disfranchisement 
of  the  commonwealth  they  represented,  and 
withdrew  themselves  from  the  sessions  of  Con- 
gress. 

They  put  in,  however,  as  the  agents  of  Ver- 
mont, a  protest,  similar  in  general  tone  and 
expression  to  the  appeals  and  letters  of  the 
Vermont  authorities,  but  making  this  strong 
point  on  the  question  before  Congrws  :  If  the 
dispute  is  between  the  states  claiming  on  the 
one  part,  and  Vermont  on  the  other,  whether 


1780.]  SPIRITED   PROTEST.  183 

Vermont  has  a  right  to  the  legislative  power 
which  she  possesses  in  fact,  then  Vermont 
should  be  heard  or  considered  as  to  the  ques- 
tion of  right.  If  that  right  be  disproved, 
the  assumed  authority  must  go  with  it ;  but  to 
deny  the  jurisdiction  in  the  first  place  is  to 
deny  that  there  are  any  parties  to  the  dis- 
pute. The  remonstrants  declared  that  they 
could  no  longer  sit  as  idle  spectators,  without 
betraying  the  trust  reposed  in  them,  and  doing 
violence  to  their  own  feelings ;  that,  by  the 
mode  of  trial  adopted,  Vermont  could  have 
no  hearing  without  denying  her  own  existence, 
and  that  they  would  not  take  upon  themselves 
such  humility  and  self-abasement  as  to  lose 
their  political  life  in  order  to  find  it.  They 
expressed  the  willingness  of  Vermont  to  sub- 
mit the  dispute  to  the  mediation  and  settle- 
ment of  independent  states ;  they  freely  con- 
sented that  Congress  should  interpose  to  pre- 
vent the  effusion  of  blood,  but  denied  the  right 
of  that  body  to  sit  as  a  court  of  judicature 
and  decide  the  controversy  by  virtue  of  au- 
thority given  to  it  by  one  party  only  in  the 
dispute.  After  hearing  New  Hampshire  and 
New  York,  and  receiving  the  protest  of  Ver- 
mont, Congress  indefinitely  postponed  the  whole 
subject. 

While   Vermont    was    thus    struggling   with 
her    countrymen    for    political   existence,    and 


184  HISTORY  OF   VERMONT.  [1780. 

the  recognition  of  her  rights,  the  enemy  were 
making  an  incursion  into  her  territories.  A 
party  of  three  hundred  Indians,  commanded  by 
a  British  officer,  destroyed  the  settlement  of 
Royalton,  carrying  away  twenty-five  prisoners, 
and  killing  four  of  the  inhabitants.  About 
twenty  houses  were  burned,  and  as  many  barns. 
Cattle  and  sheep  were  slaughtered,  and  after 
a  foray  of  several  hours  they  were  enabled  to 
decamp  unharmed,  by  threatening  the  lives  of 
their  prisoners  if  pursued.  All  the  prisoners 
taken,  except  one  who  died  in  captivity,  returned 
the  next  summer  to  their  friends. 

Amid  the  alarms  of  the  period  there  oc- 
curred one  which  furnished  the  subject  of 
border  mirth  for  many  years.  A  party  of 
settlers  while  surveying,  undertook  to  imitate 
the  war-whoop,  and  succeeded  so  well  that  the 
fright  ran  from  settlement  to  settlement,  till 
the  originators  of  it  were  scared  among  the 
rest  at  the  fright  which  their  own  folly  had 
produced.  The  militia  were  ordered  out — 
people  ran  from  their  dwellings  in  a  panic, 
teams  were  left  harnessed  in  the  fields,  and 
bread  to  burn  in  the  ovens.  Night  brought 
a  snow  storm,  and  new  horrors,  for  the  blaze 
of  burning  dwellings  seemed  to  light  up  the 
heavens.  A  few  hours  dispelled  the  illusion 
The  fires  were  found  to  be  brush  heaps,  and 
the  whole  affair  a  false  alarm.  During  the 


1781.]  AGGRESSIVE   ACTION.  185 

remainder  of  the  war  ther,e  were  occasional 
isolated  cases  of  murder  by  the  Indians ;  but 
for  reasons  which  will  shortly  appear  in  our 
narrative,  the  British  kept  their  savage  allies 
quiet,  and  the  land  had  rest. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Vermont  assumes  the  aggressive — Convention  of  New  Hamp- 
shire towns — Second  union  with  Vermont — Union  of  New 
York  towns  with  Vermont — Causes  which  led  to  this  state 
of  things — British  overtures  to  Ethan  Allen — Cessation  of 
hostilities  to  exchange  prisoners — Commissioners  appointed 
to  arrange  the  terms — Other  business  before  the  commission- 
ers— Ethan  Allen  encloses  the  British  letters  to  Congress— 
Extracts  from  his  letter  to  that  body — Renewal  of  the  nego- 
tiations for  "exchange  of  prisoners" — Colonel  Ira  Allen's 
three  weeks  in  Canada — Interesting  documents — British 
instructions — Green  Mountain  diplomacy — Ira  Allen's  com- 
mission— His  report  to  the  Vermont  assembly — Secret  cor- 
respondence— Lord  Germain's  letter  to  Clinton — Impatience 
of  the  British  agents — The  constitution  of  the  new  royal 
province  agreed  upon  by  Colonel  Allen  and  Major  Fay — The 
British  demand  the  new  government  of  Vermont  should  be 
proclaimed — Colonel  Allen  assents  on  condition  of  some 
further  delay — The  British  appear  on  Lake  Champlain  pro- 
vided with  proclamations — They  send  an  apology  for  killing 
an  American  soldier — Suspense  and  curiosity  of  the  Ameri- 
can soldiers  and  citizens — Commotion  in  Governor  Chitten- 
den's  office — A  dilemma — Skilful  escape — Surrender  of 
Cornwallis — Retirement  of  the  British  into  Canada. 

VERMONT,  having  acted  hitherto  upon  the  de- 
fensive, with  the  exception  of  the  very  short 
time  during  which  the  sixteen  New  Hampshire 
towns  were  admitted  into  union  with  her ;  and 

16* 


186  HISTORY    OF    VERMONT.  [1781. 

having  dissolved  that  union  under  an  implied 
promise  which  had  not  been  kept,  and  finding 
her  prospect  of  admission  into  the  confederacy 
still  distant,  determined  to  take  an  aggressive 
attitude.  The  course  which  New  York  and  New 
Hampshire  had  pursued,  wounded  the  pride  of 
the  stormy  young  republic,  and  she  was  desirous 
to  pursue  such  a  course  as  should  compel  the 
justice  for  which  she  had  pleaded  in  vain. 

The  opportunity  for  such  a  change  of  policy 
presented  itself  early  in  1781.  The  towns  in 
New  Hampshire  adjoining  the  Connecticut  River 
were  still  uneasy  and  unsettled.  Many  of  the 
leading  citizens  cherished  their  old  desire  for 
change.  The  most  feasible  mode  appeared  to 
be  the  union  of  Vermont  to  New  Hampshire, 
and  with  this  view  a  convention  was  called  at 
Charleston,  and  circulars  were  sent  to  the  towns 
in  western  New  Hampshire  inviting  them  to  send 
delegates.  They  met  accordingly,  on  the  16th 
of  January,  but  the  movers  of  the  measure  were 
not  a  little  astonished  to  find  a  majority  of  the 
convention  in  favour  of  joining  Vermont  again, 
instead  of  annexing  Vermont  to  New  Hampshire. 
We  are  without  the  evidences  of  any  such  fact, 
but  it  would  not  seem  unlikely  that  the  busy 
Vermonters  had  made  some  exertion  among  their 
New  Hampshire  friends  to  bring  about  a  result 
BO  unlocked  for.  However  that  may  have  been, 
the  majority,  and  a  large  one,  being  in  favour  of 


1781.]      UNION   WITH   NEW    YORK   TOWNS.        1ST 

the  measure,  a  committee  was  chosen  to  confer 
with  the  assembly  of  the  state  of  Vermont  upon 
the  subject. 

Accordingly,  in  the  month  following,  the  as- 
sembly of  Vermont  were  officially  informed  of 
what  they  were  well  apprized  before,  to  wit : 
That  the  convention  of  the  New  Hampshire 
towns  was  desirous  of  being  united  with  Ver- 
mont, in  one  separate  independent  government, 
upon  such  principles  as  should  be  mutually 
thought  the  most  equitable  and  beneficial  to  the 
state.  This  application  was  referred  to  the 
committee,  who  reported  on  the  14th  of  February, 
that :  In  order  to  quiet  the  present  disturbances 
on  the  two  sides  of  the  Connecticut  River,  and 
the  better  to  enable  the  inhabitants  to  defend 
their  frontier,  the  legislature  of  this  state  do  lay 
a  jurisdictional  claim  to  all  the  lands  east  of 
Connecticut  River,  north  of  Massachusetts,  west 
of  Mason's  Line,  and  south  of  latitude  45°,  but 
that  they  will  not,  for  the  time  being,  exercise 
jurisdiction.  This  resolution  passed. 

At  the  same  session,  and  on  the  same  day, 
Vermont  generously  took  a  part  of  New  York 
under  her  protection.  A  number  of  the  inhabit- 
ants Tn  the  adjacent  parts  of  New  York,  being 
that  tract  of  country  between  Massachusetts  and 
the  Hudson  River,  prayed  that  Vermont  would 
defend  them  against  the  enemy  in  Canada, 
and  receive  them  into  union  with  her.  The 


188  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

legislature  of  Vermont  accordingly  passed  a 
resolution  laying  claim  to  the  district  in  ques- 
tion, taking  in  also  all  the  land  east  of  a  line 
from  the  head  of  the  Hudson  to  latitude  45° 
— a  pretty  generous  appropriation,  as  it  includ- 
ed Lake  Champlain  entire,  and  much  territory 
west  of  that  lake.  There  was  the  same  proviso 
about  jurisdiction  in  this  resolve  as  in  the  re- 
solution to  divide  New  Hampshire. 

Without  an  understanding  of  all  the  influences 
in  operation,  these  paper  enlargements  of  the 
state  of  Vermont  may  appear  to  the  reader  at 
the  present  day  mere  legislative  bravado.  But 
it  was  well  understood  that  the  British  ministers 
and  officers  had  high  hopes  of  Vermont  from  the 
manner  in  which  that  sturdy  little  state  had  been 
treated  by  her  more  powerful  neighbours,  and 
by  Congress.  And  so  bitter  had  been  the  con- 
test, and  so  ominous  though  unintelligible  the 
threats  of  the  indignant  Vermont  officers,  that 
it  was  generally  believed  in  the  other  states 
her  leading  men  would  incline  to  a  union  with 
Canada,  if  no  other  alternative  existed  but  sub- 
mission to  New  York.  This  belief  brought 
whatever  British  leaven  existed  in  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire  to  favour  the  proposed  union. 
This  also  operated  to  prevent  Congress  from 
proceeding  to  decide  the  controversy  between 
New  York  and  New  Hampshire.  Convenient 
questions  of  the  power  of  the  federal  delegates  to 


1781.]  BRITISH   OVERTURES.  189 

form  a  new  state  were  raised,  and  thus  they 
avoided  all  three  horns  of  the  dilemma,  for  to  dis- 
oblige either  of  the  parties  in  the  contest  would 
have  been  alike  dangerous.  And  while  the  leading 
men  of  Vermont  never  for  an  instant  faltered  in 
their  attachment  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  they 
were  too  politic  to  throw  away  any  advantage 
which  lay  in  their  road.  Vermont  had  now  a 
nominal  territory  which  was  quite  large  enough, 
and  she  proceeded  to  dispose  of  lands  without 
any  heed  to  the  grants  which  had  been  made 
by  New  York. 

A  year  before  the  date  of  the  proceedings 
which  we  have  just  narrated,  in  April,  1780, 
Colonel  Ethan  Allen  had  received  overtures  from 
the  British  authorities  in  Canada,  for  a  union  of 
Vermont  with  Canada.  In  the  street  at  Arling- 
ton, Colonel  Allen  was  accosted  by  a  man  in  the 
disguise  of  an  American  farmer,  who  afterward 
proved  to  be  a  British  soldier.  This  man  was 
the  bearer  of  a  letter  which  Allen  read,  and  dis- 
missed the  messenger.  The  contents  of  the 
letter  were  immediately  laid  before  some  confi- 
dential friends,  including  Governor  Chittenden, 
and  the  result  of  their  deliberations  was  that  the 
matter  should  be  passed  over  in  silence,  and  no 
answer  returned.  The  letter  set  forth  the 
grounds  upon  which  it  was  written,  thus :  "  I 
have  often  been  informed  that  you  and  most  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Vermont  are  opposed  to  the 


190  HISTORY   OP   VERMONT.  £1781. 

wild  and  chimerical  scheme  of  the  Americans  in 
attempting  to  separate  from  Great  Britain,  and 
establish    an    independent  government  of  their 
own,    and    that   you   would    willingly   assist    in 
uniting  America  to  Great  Britain,  and  in  restoring 
that  happy  constitution  so  wantonly  and  unad- 
visedly destroyed.     If  I  have  been  rightly  in- 
formed,  and  these  should  be   your    sentiments 
and  inclination,  I  beg  that  you  will  communicate 
to  me  without  reserve,  whatever  proposals  you 
would  wish  to  make  to  the  commander-in-chief ; 
and  I  hereby  promise  that  I  will  faithfully  lay 
them  before  him,  according  to  your  directions, 
and  natter  myself  that  I  can  do  so  with  as  good 
effect  as  any  person  whatever.     I  can  make  no 
proposals  to  you  until  I  know  your  sentiments ; 
but  think,  upon  your  taking  an  active  part  and 
embodying  the  inhabitants  of  Vermont   under 
the  crown  of  England,  you  may  obtain  a  separate 
government  under  the  king  and  constitution  of 
England,  to  act  as  the  commander-in-chief  shall 
direct,  and  the  men,  formed  into  regiments  under 
such  officers  as  you  shall  recommend,  be  on  the 
same  footing  as  all  the    provincial    corps   are. 
If  you  should  think  proper  to  send   a  friend  of 
your  own  here,  with  proposals  to  the  general,  he 
shall  be  protected   and  well  treated  here,  and 
allowed  to  return  whenever  he  pleases."     This 
letter  was  dated  at  New  York,  then  in  the  occu- 
pation of  the  British,  and  signed  by  Colonel 


1781.]  EXCHANGE    OF   PRISONERS.  191 

Beverly    Robinson.      But   the    movement    was 

^•"•—- — —••JC-J»» ••— ^ — r         ^  / 

made  under  instructions  from   the  British  cabi- 
net, as  subsequently  appeared. 

While  these  overtures  were  making  to  Colonel 
Allen  from  the  direction  of  New  York,  si- 
milar proposals  were  received  from  Canada. 
The  British  cabinet  had  high  hopes  to  effect  by 
negotiation  and  purchase,  what  they  had  failed 
to  do  by  invasion.  The  connection  of  New 
York  and  Canada,  by  way  of  the  Hudson  and 
Lake  Champlain,  which  Burgoyne  had  not  ac- 
complished, was  to  be  effected  by  the  corruption 
of  the  Green  Mountain  Boys.  The  attempted 
treachery  of  Arnold  was  no  doubt  a  part  of  the 
same  plot.  And  in  this  aspect  of  the  case  we 
perceive  why  reasons  of  state  and  stern  necessity 
demanded  the  execution  of  the  unfortunate  Andre. 
It  was  more  than  suspected,  even  at  this  time, 
that  the  enemy  were  at  work  by  emissaries ;  and 
it  was  the  rigid  demand  of  war  that  such  mes- 
sengers should  be  summarily  dealt  with. 

Governor  Chittenden,  in  July,  1780,  sent  a 
flag  into  Canada  requesting  the  release  or  ex- 
change of  certain  prisoners  who  had  been  carried 
into  Canada.  In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  the 
British  came  up  Lake  Champlain  in  great  force, 
and  despatched  a  Hag  with  a  very  favourable  re- 
ply to  Governor  Chittenden's  request,  and  a  I 
proposition  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities  be- 
tween the  Vermont  and  the  British  forces  dur- 


192  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

ing  the  negotiation  of  the  exchange.  Colonel 
Ethan  Allen,  commanding  the  Vermont  militia, 
consented  to  the  cessation,  provided  the  adja- 
cent frontier  of  New  York  should  be  included. 
The  reader  will  not  fail  to  perceive  in  this  sa- 
gacious conduct  of  Colonel  Allen,  the  origin, 
in  part  at  least,  of  the  petition  soon  after  pre- 
..  sented  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  York 
towns  to  be  admitted  into  Vermont.  The  af- 
fairs of  that  state  were  in  reality  managed  by 
a.bout  a  dozen  of  the  most  shrewd  and  far- 
seeing  men  in  the  world,  and  they  played  their 
difficult  role,  in  part  openly  and  in  part  secretly, 
in  a  manner  which  deserves  far  more  attention 
than  it  has  usually  received  from  the  annalist. 

Colonel  Ira  Allen  and  Major  Joseph  Fay  were 
appointed  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Vermont 
to  meet  the  British  agents,  and  arrange  the 
terms  of  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  If  they 
were  not  before  apprized  of  the  motives  of  the 
British  commander  for  his  extraordinary  conde- 
scension and  friendliness,  their  eyes  were  now 
opened.  There  was  a  much  deeper  purpose  than 
the  exchange  of  prisoners  in  the  movements  of 
the  British  commander.  The  same  proposals 
were  verbally  made  to  the  Vermont  commission- 
ers, from  the  Canadian  officer?,  as  had  been  made 
by  letter  from  New  York  to  Ethan  Allen.  The 
commissioners  received  the  proposals  with  great 
good  humour,  and  so  evaded  any  direct  answer, 


1781.]  MORE    OVERTURES.  193 

though  still  holding  out  hopes  and  promises, 
that  they  procured  a  continued  cessation  of  hos- 
tilities, and  the  enemy  retired  to  Canada  without 
having  injured  the  people  of  Vermont  in  any 
particular,  or  made  any  hostile  increments. 

Immediately  upon  these  events  followed  the 
annexation  measures  which  we  have  already  re- 
lated. While  the  assembly  were  legislating,  the 
secret  rulers  of  Vermont  were  busy  with  their 
correspondence.  Ethan  Allen,  in  February,  re- 
ceived another  letter  from  Colonel  Robinson, 
enclosing  a  copy  of  the  first,  which  he  supposed 
had  miscarried.  In  his  second  letter,  Colonel 
Robinson  spoke  with  increased  confidence,  based 
on  "  frequent  accountB  received  for  three  months 
past."  No  doubt  these  accounts  were  the  favour- 
able reports  which  the  Canada  negotiators  had 
furnished  to  the  commander  in  New  York.  So 
confident  was  he  of  the  defection  of  Vermont 
from  the  republican  cause,  that  he  desired  in- 
formation in  what  manner  the  people  of  Vermont 
could  be  most  serviceable  to  the  British  govern- 
ment, whether  by  acting  with  the  northern  army 
or  joining  an  army  from  New  York. 

Ethan  Allen  returned  no  answer  to  either  of 
these  letters,  but  in  March  enclosed  them  in  a 
letter  to  Congress,  informing  that  body  of  all 
the  circumstances  which  had  attended  the  busi- 
ness. We  extract  from  the  letter  the  following 
passage :  "I  am  confident  that  Congress  will 

17 


194  HISTORY   OP   VERMONT.  [1781. 

not  dispute  my  sincere  attachment  to  the  cause 
of  my  country,  though  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say 
I  am  fully  grounded  in  opinion  that  Vermont 
has  an  indubitable  right  to  agree  on  terms  of  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  with  Great  Britain,  pro- 
vided the  United  States  persist  in  rejecting  her 
application  for  a  union  with  them.  For  Vermont 
would  be  of  all  people  most  miserable,  were  she 
obliged  to  defend  the  independence  of  the  united 
claiming  States,  and  they  be,  at  the  same  time, 
at  full  liberty  to  overturn  and  ruin  the  inde- 
pendence of  Vermont.  When  Congress  con- 
siders the  circumstances  of  this  state,  they  will, 
I  am  persuaded,  be  more  surprised  that  I  have 
transmitted  them  the  enclosed  letters  than  that 
I  have  kepi  them  in  custody  so  long;  for  I  am 
as  resolutely  determined  to  defend  the  independ- 
ence of  Vermont  as  Congress  is  that  of  the 
United  States ;  and  rather  than  fail,  I  will  retire 
with  the  hardy  Green  Mountain  Boys  into  the 
desolate  caverns  of  the  mountains,  and  wage  war 
with  human  nature  at  large." 

In  the  spring  of  1781  the  British  authorities 
in  Canada  renewed  their  overtures.  Colonel  Ira 
Allen  was  sent  to  the  British  quarters  upon  the 
old  pretext — an  exchange  of  prisoners.  He 
soon  found  himself  engaged  in  the  unfinished 
business  of  last  year,  the  restoration  of  Vermont 
to  the  British  crown.  He  remained  in  Canada 
nearly  three  weeks,  and  was  engaged  every  day 


1781.]  IRA   ALLEN   IN   CANADA.  195 

in  a  skilful  contest  of  diplomacy  with  the  agent  of 
General  Haldiman.  The  documents  in  relation 
to  this  business,  preserved  by  Hon.  Henry  Stevens 
of  Vermont,  and  recently  first  published  in  Du 
Pay's  «  Ethan  Allen,"  present  the  subject  in  a 
clearer  light  than  it  ever  has  been  shown  before. 
They  consist  of  the  instructions  of  General 
Haldiman  to  his  agent,  that  agent's  report  of 
his  proceedings,  and  two  formal  endorsements  of 
the  doings  of  the  Vermont  agents  by  Governor 
CnTtienTlen  and  his  council.  The  instructions  of 
Haldiman  make  the  same  promises  that  we  have 
already  noticed,  with  definite  offers  of  the  com- 
mand of  battalions,  and  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
cotonel  to  Ethan  Allen  and  Governor  Chitten- 
de'n".'  The  most  remarkable  feature  in  the  docu- 
ment is  the  profound  commiseration  for  the 
wrongs  of  Vermont  at  the  hands  of  her  sister 
states  and  Congress,  which  General  Haldiman 
professed  to  entertain.  "  I  agree,"  he  says,  "that 
this  negotiation  shall  cease,  and  any  steps  that 
led  to  it  be  forgotten,  provided  the  Congress 
shall  grant  the  state  of  Vermont  a  seat  in  their 
assembly,  and  acknowledge  its  independency.  I 
trust  that  time  and  other  methods  will  bring 
about  a  reconciliation  and  a  return  to  their  alle- 
giance," &c.  &c. 

Whatever  General  Haldiman  may  have  in- 
tended in  the  above — whether  a  covert  threat,  to 
induce  Vermont  to  cease  her  efforts  to  be  ad- 


196  HISTORY    OF    VERMONT.  [1781. 

mitted  into  the  American  Union,  or  a  show  of 
greater  magnanimity  from  an  enemy  than  Ver- 
mont received  from  her  countrymen,  British  di- 
plomacy was  lost  upon  Ira  Allen.  That  shrewd, 
and,  we  suspect,  not  overscrupulous  negotiator, 
managed  to  befog  his  antagonist  through  the 
whole  three  weeks,  exciting  hopes  which  were 
untangible  when  it  was  sought  to  reduce  them  to 
terms,  and  adhering  to  verbal  communications 
entirely.  Nothing  but  the  great  importance  of 
securing  Vermont  could  have  induced  the  British 
officer  thus  to  parley.  The  letter  of  Ethan 
Allen  to  Congress,  which  we  have  referred  to 
above,  was  shown  by  Ira  Allen  to  the  British 
officer,  with  the  greatest  show  of  frankness,  as 
was  also  the  circular  letter  of  the  governor  of 
Vermont  to  the  other  states,  begging  for  assist- 
ance against  the  threatened  British  invasion,  and 
the  British  officer  was  assured-  that  these  steps 
were  only  taken  by  Ethan  Allen  and  Governor 
Chittenden  for  their  own  personal  safety.  We 
know  riot  whether  most  to  wonder  at  the  effronte- 
ry of  the  one  or  the  credulity  of  the  other  party. 
We  present  one  of  the  endorsements  of  Ira 
Allen's  proceedings  entire,  as  it  places  the  atti- 
tude in  which  the  Vermont  statesmen  stood  dis- 
tinctly before  the  reader :  «  Whereas  this  State 
is  not  in  union  with  the  United  States,  altho' 
often  Requested,  &c.  This  the  British  Power 
are  acquainted  with,  and  are  endeavouring  to 


1781.]        GREEN    MOUNTAIN    DIPLOMACY.  197 

take  the  advantage  of  these  disputes  Thereby  to 
court  a  connection  with  this  State  on  the  Princi- 
ple of  Establishing  it  a  British  Province — from 
various  accounts  we  are  well  assured  that  the 
British  have  a  force  in  Canada  larger  than  this 
State  can  at  present  raise  and  support  in  the 
field  ;  and  this  State  having  no  assurance  of  any 
assistance  from  any  or  either  of  the  United 
States,  however  hard  the  British  forces  may 
crowd  on  this  state  from  the  Province  of  Que- 
beck,  by  the  advantage  of  the  waters  of  Lake 
Champlain,  &c.  Altho'  several  Expresses  have 
been  sent  by  the  Gov'r  of  this  State,  to  several 
of  the  respective  Gov'rs  of  the  United  States, 
with  the  most  urgent  requests  to  know  whether 
any  assistance  would  be  afforded  in  such  case, 
and  no  official  answer  has  been  made  by  either 
of  them. 

"  Wherefore,  we,  the  subscribers,  do  fully 
approbate  Col.  Ira  Allen  sending  a  Letter  dated 
Sunderland,  July  10th,  1781,  and  directed  to 
General  Haldimand,  and  another  Letter  to  Cap- 
tain Justice  Sherwood,  Purporting  an  Intention 
of  this  State's  becoming  a  British  Province,  &c. 
This  we  consider  as  a  Political  Proceedure  to 
prevent  the  British  forces  invading  this  State; 
and  being  a  necessary  step  to  Preserve  this  State 
from  Ruin,  when  we  have  too  much  reason  to 
apprehend  that  this  has  been  the  wishes  of  some 
of  our  assuming  neighbours.  In  the  mean  time, 
17* 


198  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

to  strengthen  this  State  against  any  insult, 
until  this  State  receive  better  treatment  from 
the  United  States,  or  obtain  a  seat  in  Con- 
gress." This  document  is  dated  July  10th, 
1781,  and  signed  by  Governor  Chittenden  and 
five  others. 

These  proceedings  could  not  take  place  with- 
out exciting  suspicions  that  something  more  was 
done  in  a  seventeen  days'  conference  than  to  ar- 
range about  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  And 
when  it  was  understood  that  Colonel  Ira  Allen 
would  report  to  the  Vermont  assembly,  there 
was  a  large  attendance  of  interested  spectators 
— not  only  citizens  of  Vermont,  but  Whigs  from 
other  states  jealous  of  treasonable  practices, 
and  agents  from  Canada,  watching  for  the  royal 
interest.  The  council  met  the  assembly  in  joint 
committee.  Governor  Chittenden  arose  and 
stated  that  Colonel  Allen  had  been  sent  to  Ca- 
nada to  obtain  the  release  of  sundry  persons  be- 
longing to  Vermont,  who  were  prisoners  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  and  that  with  much  diffi- 
culty he  had  completed  the  business  in  behalf 
of  Vermont,  though  no  such  exchange  had  taken 
place  with  the  United  States,  or  with  any  other 
individual  state.  He  added,  that  Colonel  Allen 
was  present  and  could  best  give  any  further  in- 
formation, if  desired. 

The  reader  can  scarcely  forbear  a  smile  at  the 
governor's  truly  parental  management,  and  his 


1781.]  REPORTS   TO    ASSEMBLY.  199 

prudent  reserve  on  doubtful  topics.  It  is  to  our 
ears  most  primitive  legislation  ;  but  the  Vermont 
managers  understood  very  Avell  what  they  were 
doing.  The  Canadians,  and  the  few  others  who 
were  in  the  secret,  must  have  been  highly  di- 
verted. Colonel  Allen  followed,  and  endorsed 
the  governor's  statement,  and  concluded  by 
stating  that  his  papers  had  been  left  at  home, 
but  he  would  bring  them  the  next  'day  and  sub- 
nrrrlhem  for  inspection.  The  fact  of  an  officer, 
with  a  report  to  make,  leaving  his  documents  at 
home,  would  appear  rather  preposterous  if  we 
were  not  in  possession  of  some  facts  respecting 
other  papers,  which  may  throw  some  light  on 
this  omission.  On  the  next  day  the  papers  were 
produced  and  examined,  and  found  perfectly 
satisfactory.  The  negotiations  about  the  armis- 
tice and  the  royal  government  had  all  been  done 
verbally,  and  nothing,  of  course,  appeared  in 
the  written  report  which  could  give  a  colour  to 
the  rumoured  treason.  Colonel  Allen  professed 
himself  ready  to  answer  any  questions.  The 
friends  of  the  United  States  complimented  Colo- 
nel Allen  on  his  openness  and  candor,  and  the 
Canadians  returned  satisfied  with  his  astuteness 
and  caution. 

While  the  little  knot  of  diplomatists  were  thus 
parleying  with  the  enemy,  the  great  body  of  the 
Vermont  people  were  inveterate  in  their  hatred 
against  the  British  and  tories.  Yet  for  nearly 


200  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781 

two  years  the  Aliens  kept  up  their  correspond- 
ence undetected,  if  not  entirely  unsuspected.  On 
one  occasion,  Colonel  Ira  Allen  met  a  party  in 
Sunderland,  who  were  preparing  to  pull  down 
the  house  of  a  loyalist  accused  of  too  friendly 
feeling  for  the  British.  Allen  prevailed  on  them 
to  return  home  and  relinquish  their  design.  On 
the  same  spot,  and  on  the  same  evening  that  he 
had  coaxed  these  ardent  whigs  to  disperse,  Colo- 
nel Allen,  by  appointment,  received  a  packet 
from  a  British  messenger.  But  the  difficult  game 
could  not  be  played  too  long,  and  our  Vermont 
managers  found  themselves  more  than  once 
nearly  at  their  wit's  end  before  they  had  done 
with  it.  Events  seemed  to  hurry  the  drama  to 
a  denouement,  and  among  these  was  a  most 
inopportune  publication  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Packet. 

A  letter  from  Lord  Germain,  containing  in- 
structions for  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  commander 
of  the  British  forces  in  America,  was  intercept- 
ed and  published.  The  following  paragraphs 
made  quite  a  sensation  in  Congress  and  else- 
where :  "  The  return  of  the  people  of  Vermont 
to  their  allegiance,  is  an  event  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  the  king's  affairs  ;  and  at  this 
time,  if  the  French  and  Washington  really 
meditate  an  irruption  into  Canada,  may  be  con- 
sidered as  opposing  an  insurmountable  bar 
to  the  attempt.  General  Haldimand,  who  has 


1781.]  DISCUSSION   OF   DETAILS.  201 

those  people  and  give  them  support,  will,  I 
doubt  not,  push  up  a  body  of  troops  to  act  in 
conjunction  with  them,  and  secure  all  the  ave- 
nues through  their  country  into  Canada ;  and, 
when  the  season  admits,  take  possession  of  the 
upper  parts  of  the  Hudson  and  Connecticut 
Rivers,  and  cut  off  the  communication  between 
them  and  the  Mohawk  country.  How  far  they 
may  be  able  to  extend  themselves  southward  \ 
or  eastward,  must  depend  on  the  numbers  and 
disposition  of  the  inhabitants." 

The  British  agents  became  impatient.  This 
publicity  would  mar  all,  they  thought,  if  the 
plan  were  not  speedily  matured.  Ira  Allen 
and  Major  Fay  managed  to  amuse  them,  in 
September,  with  a  discussion  over  the  details 
of  the  plan  of  government  for  the  new  royal 
province  of  Vermont.  The  matter  was  con- 
sidered, item  by  item ;  and  when  the  Vermonters 
could  no  longer,  like  the  wife  of  Ulysses,  post- 
pone their  suitors  by  undoing  and  reweaving, 
they  were  forced  to  confess  that  the  web  was 
finished  and  ready  for  wear.  Then  the  British 
agents  insisted  that  Vermont  should  immedi- 
ately declare  herself  a  British  province.  The 
agents  of  Vermont  declared  (and  this  was  un- 
doubtedly the  truth)  that  Vermont  was  not 
yet  ripe  for  the  change.  But  the  only  com- 
promise they  could  obtain,  was  that  the  British 
commander  should  issue  his  proclamation  de- 


202  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

claring  thu  state  a  British  province,  and  con- 
firming the  plan  of  government  agreed  on, 
the  proclamation  to  be  made  during  the  coming 
session  of  the  legislature  in  October ;  and  the 
legislature  to  accept  its  conditions,  and  carry 
it  into  effect. 

This  was  a  hard  condition  to  agree  to — 
but  even  the  shrewdness  of  Ira  Allen  could 
devise  no  escape,  and  the  conference  closed 
with  this  understanding.  October  came,  and 
with  it  the  session  of  the  Vermont  legislature. 
General  St.  Leger  ascended  Lake  Champlain 
with  a  powerful  British  army,  and  a  bountiful 
provision  of  printed  proclamations,  and  landed 
at  Ticonderoga.  We  may  well  imagine  that  the 
Vermont  negotiators  were  in  no  little  perplex- 
ity, and  an  incident  which  occurred,  revealed  to 
them,  on  a  small  scale,  what  would  probably  be 
the  great  explosion  when  their  proceedings  came  to 
light.  The  Vermont  troops  were  posted  at  Castle- 
ton, 'to  watch  the  enemy.  Their  military  opera- 
tions were,  of  course,  a  mere  feint,  the  com- 
manders, General  Enos  and  Colonels  Fletcher 
and  Wallbridge,  being  now  in  the  secret,  while 
the  subordinate  officers  and  men  knew  nothing 
of  what  had  been  done  and  was  impending. 

Scouting  parties  were  sent  out  to  keep  up 
appearances.  One  of  these,  commanded  by 
Sergeant  Tupper,  met  a  British  party,  and 
both  supposing  that  they  were  fighting  fair, 


1781.]      ALARM  OF  THE  PEOPLE.       203 

shots  were  exchanged.  Sergeant  Tupper  was 
killed,  and  his  men  retreated.  General  St. 
Leger  ordered  Tapper's  body  to  be  honour- 
ably buried,  and  sent  his  clothing  to  General 
Enos,  with  an  open  letter,  in  which  he  expressed 
his  regret  at  the  death  of  the  sergeant.  This 
communication  and  clothing  were  publicly  de- 
livered to  General  Enos,  and  the  whole  Ame- 
rican force  was  presently  in  a  buzz  of  surprise, 
suspicion,  and  indignation  at  such  a  most  un- 
usual mission  between  belligerents, — and  no 
wonder. 

The  American  commanders  instantly  wrote 
letters,  and  despatched  them  by  express  to 
Governor  Chittenden  at  Charleston.  They  either 
had  no  person  fit  to  entrust  with  the  secret, 
or  forgot  to  apprize  their  messenger,  Mr.  Hath- 
away, of  the  true  state  of  the  case.  He  rush- 
ed over  the  country  with  the  sealed  letters, 
and  an  open  mouth,  circulating,  as  he  went,  the 
strange  news  that  the  British  general  had 
sent  to  his  friends  the  clothing  of  an  American 
soldier,  killed  in  due  course  of  war,  with  an 
apology  for  his  death.  Hathaway  reached 
the  governor's  room  with  a  crowd  at  his  heels, 
anxious  for  enlightenment  on  to  strange  a  piece 
of  intelligence.  On  opening  the  letters  they 
were  found  to  contain  matters  which  could  not 
safely  be  made  public. 

While  the    letters  were   passing   from   hand 


204  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

o  hand  among  those  who  were  in  the  secret, 
Major  Runnels,  an  officer  in  the  Vermont  mi^ 
litia,  entered  the  room,  and  demanded  of 
Colonel  Allen,  "  Why  General  St.  Leger  should 
be  sorry  Tupper  was  killed?"  Allen  replied 
that  he  could  not  tell.  Runnells  repeated 
the  question,  the  whole  assembly  being  agape 
for  the  answer.  Allen  replied  that  "  All 
good  men  were  sorry  when  good  men  were 
killed,  which  might  be  the  case  with  St.  Le- 
ger." Highly  indignant  at  this  reply,  Run- 
nels again  loudly  demanded  to  know  "  What 
could  possibly  induce  a  British  general  to 
be  sorry  when  his  enemy  was  killed,  and  to 
send  his  clothes  to  his  widow?"  Allen  now 
angrily  requested  Major  Runnels  "to  go  to 
his  regiment ;  and,  at  the  head  of  that,  demand 
of  St.  Leger  the  reasons  of  his  sorrows,  and 
not  be  .there  asking  impertinent  questions, 
and  eating  up  the  country's  provisions  while  the 
frontiers  were  invaded  !" 

Words  followed  words,  increasing  in  anger, 
and  Allen  was  not  sorry  to  perceive  that  this 
by-play,  which  he  skilfully  kept  up  till  Runnels 
left  the  room,  was  drawing*  attention  from 
the  letters.  The  dangerous  documents  were 
smuggled  out,  the  Board  of  War  (all  in  the 
secret)  was  convened,  and  while  Hathaway 
detailed  his  news,  the  quick-witted  managers, 
apt  in  emergency,  wrote  letters  which  could 


1781.]     SURRENDER  OF  CORNWALLIS.     205 

be  published,  and  substituted  them  for  the 
origtealT  These  were  read  before  the  council 
an'd~"a'ssembly  to  quiet  the  people.  Major 
Fay  and  Colonel  Allen  were  at  the  same  time 
busy  preparing  despatches  for  the  British 
agents.  In  these  letters  they  assured  them 
that  matters  were  going  on  favourably,  but 
as  a  report  was  in  circulation  that  Cornwallis 
had  surrendered — which  report  was  doubtless 
unfounded — they  thought  it  expedient  to  de- 
lay the  proclamation,  until  more  favourable 
news  should  remove  all  doubt  as  to  the  ability 
of  the  British  forces  to  sustain  the  new  province. 
But  an  express  which  reached  the  British 
camp  at  Ticonderoga  immediately  after  this 
communication  was  received,  put  a  new  com- 
plexion on  affairs.  It  brought  a  confirmation 
of  the  rumoured  surrender.  Either  in  pur- 
suance of  orders,  or  fearful  of  being  surround- 
ed and  captured  in  the  elation  of  the  Ame-  t 
ricans  at  such  intelligence,  St^Jjeger  instantly 
re-embarked  his  forces,  and  went  back  to 
Canada,  and  into  winter  quarters.  Thus  ended 
a  second  campaign,  in  which  management  had  , 
protected  Vermont,  and  with  Vermont  the  Union,  { 
against  an  enemy  of  from  seven  to  ten  thous- 
and men,  without  even  a  skirmish. 

Probably  nobody  in  the  United  States 
felt  more  rejoiced  at  the  fall  of  Cornwallis 
than  our  Vermont  negotiators.  It  had  relieved 

18 


206  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

them  from  a  strait  in  which  their  condition 
seemed  one  of  inextricable  embarrassment ;  and 
no  doubt  through  the  winter  the  Board  of  War 
of  Vermont  had  many  a  hearty  laugh  at  the 
baffled  queries  of  the  indignant  Major  Runnels. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Action  of  Congress  in  relation  to  Vermont — Conditions 
proposed  preliminary  to  her  admission  into  the  Union 
— Protest  of  Vermont  against  the  action  of  Congress, 
and  refusal  of  Vermont  to  comply — Message  of  General 
Washington  to  Governor  Chittenden  —  The  governor's 
reply — Threatened  disturbances — Letter  of  General  Wash- 
ington to  Governor  Chittenden — Vermont  recedes  from 
her  refusal — Congress  fails  to  perform  its  conditional  pro- 
mises'— Protest  of  the  agents  of  Vermont — Indignation 
in  Vermont  at  the  evasive  course  of  Congress — British 
overtures  still  continued — Remarks  of  Dr.  Williams  upon 
the  Canadian  correspondence — Disturbances  in  Windham 
county  —  Appeals  to  Congress  —  Resolutions  of  censure 
passed  by  that  body — Vermont  menaced  by  Congress 
—  Spirited  remonstrance  of  Vermont  —  Disturbances  in 
Guilford — Martial  law — Ethan  Allen's  proclamation — The 
«'  Yorkers"  driven  out — Death  of  Colonel  Seth  Warner — 
Remarks  upon  his  life  and  character. 

THE  publication  of  the  letter  of  Lord  Ger- 
main to  the  British  commander  in  New  York,  as 
it  gave  importance  to  rumors  of  danger  which  al- 
ready prevailed,  and  demonstrated  what  Ver- 


1781.]          PROPOSED   TERMS   OF    UNION.  207 

mont  could  do,  if  she  chose,  quickened  the  ap 
prehension  of  Congress  as  to  the  necessity  of 
doing  some  thing  in  the  case  of  Vermont.  And 
just  at  this  juncture  three  delegates  arrived  in 
Philadelphia,  empowered  to  negotiate  for  the 
admission  of  Vermont  into  the  Union,  and  to 
take  their  seats  as  her  representatives,  if  ad- 
mitted. Under  the  spur  of  the  letter  of  Ger- 
main, and  the  tide  of  popular  opinion  which  was 
now  setting  in  favour  of  the  admission  of  Vermont, 
a  committee  of  five  were  appointed  by  Congress 
to  confer  with  the  delegates  from  Vermont.  On 
the  18th  of  August  a  conference  was  had  be- 
tween the  committee  of  Congress  and  the  Ver- 
mont delegates;  and  on  the  20th  of  the  same 
month  a  resolution  was  passed  by  Congress,  de- 
manding, as  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  the 
admission  of  Vermont,  that  she  should  retreat 
into  her  old  limits,  and  dissolve  the  connection 
which  she  had  just  formed  with  the  New  Hamp- 
shire and  the  New  York  towns. 

With  this  resolution  both  New  York  and  Ver- 
mont were  dissatisfied.  The  former  state,  by 
resolution  of  her  legislature,  protested  against 
the  action  of  Congress  in  the  premises,  and  de- 
nied the  authority  of  Congress  to  intermeddle 
with  the  former  territorial  jurisdiction  of  any 
state,  or  to  form  a  new  state  by  dismembering  an 
old  one.  And  Vermont,  which  now  held  her 
legislative  session  in  Charleston,  one  of  the  New 


208  HISTORY    OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

Hampshire  towns,  also  denied  the  authority  of 
Congress  to  prescribe  her  limits,  and  resolved  to 
hold  the  articles  of  union  between  the  different 
portions  of  the  state  inviolate.  She,  however, 
professed  a  willingness  to  refer  the  question  of 
her  boundaries  to  commissioners  mutually  cho- 
sen ;  or,  if  admitted  into  the  confederacy,  she 
would  then  submit  all  such  disputes  to  Congress. 
At  the  same  time  that  the  resolutions  of  Con- 
gress were  transmitted  to  Vermont,  General 
Washington  sent  a  verbal  message  to  Governor 
Chittenden,  desiring  to  know  what  were  the  real 
designs,  views,  and  intentions  of  the  people  of 
Vermont ;  whether  they  would  be  satisfied  with 
the  independence  proposed  by  Congress,  or  had 
it  seriously  in  contemplation  to  join  the  enemy 
and  become  a  British  province.  The  governor, 
in  his  reply,  dated  November  14th,  1781,  was 
explicit,  candid,  and  decisive.  He  said  that  there 
were  no  people  on  the  continent  more  attached 
to  the  cause  of  America  than  the  people  of 
Vermont,  but  that  they  were  fully  determined 
not  to  be  put  under  the  government  of  New 
York;  that  they  would' oppose  this  by  force  of 
arms,  and  would  join  with  the  British  in  Canada 
rather  than  submit  to  that  government.  Gover- 
nor Chittenden  confidentially  detailed  to  General 
Washington,  in  this  letter,  the  transactions  of 
the  Vermont  negotiators  with  the  enemy,  and 
assigned  as  a  reason  for  this  course  that,  "Ver- 


1781.]         THREATENED   DISTURBANCES.  209 

mont,  driven  to  desperation  by  the  injustice  of 
those  who  should  have  been  her  friends,  waa 
obliged  to  adopt  policy  in  the  room  of  power." 
"With  regard  to  the  recent  resolutions  of  Con- 
gress, offering  hope  of  admission  into  the  con-  • 
federacy,  Governor  Chittenden,  in  his  letter, 
ascribed  these  measures,  not  to  the  influence  of 
the  friends  of  Vermont  but  to  the  power  of  the 
enemies  of  the  country.  "Lord  George  Ger- 
main's letter  wrought  on  Congress,  and  procured 
that  from  them  which  the  public  virtue  of  the 
people  could  not  obtain." 

Meanwhile  Vermont  was  in  some  difficulty 
with  her  new  acquisitions.  There  were  in  the 
New  Hampshire  towns,  and  in  the  New  York 
district  which  had  been  annexed  to  Vermont, 
many  persons  who  objected  to  the  union,  and  the 
governments  of  those  two  states  were  called 
upon  to  aid  them  in  their  resistance.  Vermont 
imprisoned  New  Hampshire  officers,  and  New 
Hampshire  retaliated"  in  kind.  There  was  talk 
of  an  armed  posse,  but  nothing  serious  grew  out 
of  this  difficulty.  During  the  winter  of  1781-2,  ' 
bodies  of  New  York  and  Vermont  militia  were 
placed  in  a  hostile  attitude  in  the  towns  belong- 
ing to  New  York  which  had  joined  Vermont. 
Happily  the  good  sense  and  moderation  of  the 
commanders  prevented  any  actual  collision  ;  but 
the  danger  of  violence  produced  an  alarm  which 
invoked  the  attention  of  General  Washington. 

18* 


210  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1781. 

That  true  patriot  exerted  his  powers  of  pacifica- 
tion, and  wrote  a  letter  to  Governor  Chittenden, 
from  which  we  extract  the  following : — 

"  It  is  not  my  business,  neither  do  I  think  it 
necessary  now,  to  discuss  the  origin  of  the  right 
of  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  to  that  tract  of 
country  formerly  distinguished  by  the  name  of 
the  New  Hampshire  grants,  and  now  known  by 
that  of  Vermont.  I  will  take  it  for  granted  that 
their  right  was  good,  because  Congress,  by. their 
resolve  of  the  7th  of  August  imply  it,  and  by 
that  of  the  20th  are  willing  fully  to  confirm  it, 
provided  the  new  state  is  confined  to  certain  pre- 
scribed bounds.  It  appears,  therefore,  to  me, 
the  dispute  of  boundary  is  the  only  one  that 
exists,  and  that  being  removed,  all  other  diffi- 
culties would  be.  removed  also,  and  the  matter 
terminated  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  parties. 
You  have  nothing  to  do  but  withdraw  your  ju- 
risdiction to  the  confines  of  your  old  limits,  and 
obtain  an  acknowledgment  of  independence  and 
sovereignty,  under  the  resolve  of  the  20th  of 
August,  for  so  much  territory  as  does  not  inter- 
fere with  the  ancient  established  bounds  of  New 
York,  New  Hampshire,  and  Massachusetts.  In 
my  private  opinion,  while  it  behooves  the  dele- 
gates to  do  ample  justice  to  a  body  of  people 
sufficiently  respectable  by  their  numbers,  and 
entitled  by  other  claims  to  be  admitted  into  that 
confederation,  it  becomes  them  also  to  attend  to 


1782.]  CONDITIONS   COMPLIED   WITH.  211 

the  interests  of  their  constituents,  and  see,  that 
under  the  appearance  of  justice  to  one,  they 
do  not  materially  injure  the  rights  of  others. 
I  am  apt  to  think  this  is  the  prevailing  opinion 
of  Congress." 

The  weight  of  General  Washington's  charac- 
ter, and  the  affection  with  which  he  was  regarded, 
produced  their  effect ;  and  in  February,  1782,  the 
letter  of  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  now 
victorious  American  forces  being  laid  before  the 
Vermont  assembly,  that  body  receded  from  its 
new  territorial  claims,  and  complied  with  the 
preliminary  required  by  Congress,  as  the  basis 
of  negotiations  for  her  admission  into  the  Union. 
But  her  former  refusal  was  under  consideration 
in  Congress  at  the  very  moment  when  she  was 
retracing  that  false  step.  Resolutions  were  re- 
ported of  a  more  positive  character  than  any 
which  had  hitherto  passed.  By  these,  in  case 
of  the  refusal  of  Vermont  to  retire  within  her 
original  limits,  her  territory  was  to  be  divided 
between  New  York  and  New  Hampshire.  These 
resolutions  failed,  however,  to  pass,  and  the 
Vermont  delegates  arrived  with  an  official  state- 
ment of  the  compliance  of  Vermont  with  the  re- 
quisition of  Congress.  A  committee  of  Congress 
reported  that  Vermont  having  complied  with  the 
resolution  of  the  20th  of  August,  the  conditional 
promise  therein  became  absolute.  The  report 
closed  with  a  resolution  to  admit  the  new  state. 


212  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1782. 

But  Congress  refused  to  fix  a  day  for  its  con- 
sideration, and  the  state  of  Vermont  found  itself 
still  unacknowledged. 

The  delegates  who  had  been  sent  from  Ver- 
mont in  the  full  faith  that  a  few  formalities  only 
stood  between  them  and  their  seats  in  Congress, 
on  the  19th  of  April  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
president  of  that  body,  and  returned  home.  In 
that  letter  they  represented  that  Vermont,  in 
consequence  of  the  faith  pledged  to  that  state, 
had  in  the  most  ample  manner  performed  what 
was  required.  They  expressed  their  disappoint- 
ment at  the  unexpected  delay.  Vermont,  they 
stated,  was  now  reduced  to  a  critical  situation 
by  casting  off  a  considerable  portion  of  her 
strength,  being  exposed  to  the  main  force  of  the 
enemy  in  Canada,  and  destitute  of  aid  from  the 
United  States.  They  were  urgent  that  delay 
might  not  deprive  them  of  the  benefit  of  this 
confederation,  and  requested  that  they  should 
be  officially  apprized  when  their  attendance  would 
be  necessary. 

The  people  of  Vermont  were  justly  indignant 
that  they  were  thus  trifled  with ;  and  the  opinion 
became  general  that  the  assembly  had  been 
duped  by  the  finesse  of  Congress.  The  inha- 
bitants of  the  state,  both  as  individuals,  and 
through  their  assembly,  determined  to  trouble 
Congress  no  more  with  their  claims  to  admission 
into  the  confederacy,  but  to  adhere  to  the  bound- 


1782.]      BRITISH    OVERTURES    CONTINUED.        213 

aries  which  they  had  originally  fixed,  and  Con- 
gress had  recognised.  They  would  defend  their 
own  jurisdiction,  and  rely  upon  their  own 
strength.  Still,  as  a  matter  of  prudence,  and 
to  put  themselves  in  a  correct  attitude,  they 
again  appointed  agents  to  arrange  the  admission 
of  the  state  into  the  Union,  and  waited  now  for 
overtures. 

The  Revolutionary  War  virtually  ceased  with 
the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  in  1781.  Perhaps 
the  withdrawal  of  the  outside  pressure  upon  the 
Union  made  Congress  negligent  of  the  claims 
into  notice  of  which  they  had  been  driven  by 
foreign  machinations.  The  British  overtures  to 
Vermont  had,  however,  by  no  means  ceased. 
During  the  winter  of  1781-2  they  were  repoat- 
ed,  and  through  the  whole  of  the  year  the 
correspondence  was  kept  up,  principally  on  the 
part  of  the  British  officer.-.  Offers  of  commis- 
sions to  different  persons  were  distinctly  made. 
In  July,  Colonel  Ira  Allen  was  sent  into  Canada 
to  request  the  release  of  two  officers  belonging 
to  Vermont.  The  officers  were  released,  and 
Colonel  Allen  was  hard-pressed  to  negotiate  a 
secret  treaty;  and  all  the  skill  of  the  Vermont 
diplomatist  was  required  to  avoid  compliance, 
and  still  procure  a  continuance  of  the  armistice. 
This,  however,  he  effected.  We  must  do  Geiio- 
ral  Haldiman  the  credit  to  pronounce  him  a 
most  humane  man,  nor  can  we  deny  him  the 


HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1782. 

quality  of  sincerity  in  his  professions  of  friend- 
ship for  the  Vermont  people,  and  in  his  desire 
to  do  them  a  benefit.  The  last  letter  from 
Canada  was  written  in  March,  1783,  when  ru- 
mours of  the  peace  had  reached  that  province, 
and  in  it  the  writer  expresses  a  regret  that  the 
"  happy  moment"  for  a  reconciliation  "  could 
not  be  recalled."  Still,  the  writer  promised, 
»'  should  any  thing  favourable  present" — that  is, 
a  chance  to  be  included  in  Canada  be  disco- 
vered— "  you  may  still  depend  on  his  excellency's 
utmost  endeavours  for  your  salvation."  We 
will  dismiss  this  part  of  the  history  of  Vermont 
with  the  remarks  of  Dr.  Williams,  the  early  his- 
torian of  that  state. 

"  Thus  terminated  a  correspondence  which 
occasioned  many  and  various  conjectures  at  the 
time  it  was  carried  on.  On  the  part  of  the 
British  it  consisted  of  constant  attempts  and 
endeavours  to  persuade  the  leading  men  of  Ver- 
mont to  renoince  their  allegiance  to  the  states 
of  America,  and  become  a  British  province. 
On  the  part  of  the  gentlemen  of  Vermont,  the 
correspondence  consisted  of  evasive,  ambiguous 
general  answers  and  proposals,  calculated  not  to 
destroy  the  British  hopes  of  seduction,  but 
carefully  avoiding  any  engagements  or  measures 
that  could  be  construed  to  be  the  act  of  the 
government.  And  it  had  for  its  object  a  cessa- 
tion of  hostilities,  at  a  time  when  the  state  of 


1782.]  DR.  WILLIAMS'S   REMARKS.  215 

Vermont,  deserted  by  the  continent,  and  unable 
to  defend  herself,  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy 
in  Canada. 

"  Eight  persons  only  in  Vermont  were  in  the 
secret  of  this  correspondence.  Each  of  them 
was  known  to  be  among  the  most  confirmed 
friends  to  the  American  cause.  They  had 
avowed  their  sentiments  and  embraced  the  cause 
of  their  country  from  the  beginning  of  the 
American  war.  They  had  suffered  severely, 
often  borne  arms,  and  done  every  thing  in  their 
power  to  defend  the  independence  of  the  states. 
And,  through  the  whole  of  this  correspondence 
they  gave  the  most  decisive  proofs  that  they 
could  not  be  bought  or  bribed  by  any  offers  of 
wealth  and  honour.  But  so  odious  were  the 
British  proceedings  and  government,  at  that 
time,  to  the  people  of  America,  that  it  was  with 
difficulty  the  people  of  Vermont  could  be 
kept  quiet,  under  the  idea  of  a  correspondence 
carried  on  with  the  British,  though  known  to  be 
designed  for  their  protection.  Once  or  twice 
there  were  small  insurrections  to  demand  ex- 
planations ;  and  nothing  but  the  well-known  and 
strong  attachment  of  the  gentlemen  concerned 
to  the  independence  of  Vermont  and  of  America 
could  have  preserved  them  from  open  violence 
and  destruction." 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  Canada  entangle- 
ment, it  remains  that  we  state  the  conclusion 


216  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1782. 

of  the  New  York  difficulty.  During  the  year 
1782,  a  draught  of  militia  was  ordered  by  the 
assembly  of  Vermont.  Certain  persons  in 
Windham  county,  denying  the  jurisdiction  of 
Vermont,  resisted,  and  being  furnished  with 
New  York  commissions,  civil  and  military, 
undertook  an  organized  resistance.  The  mi- 
litia were  called  out  by  Governor  Chittenden, 
the  leaders  of  the  sedition  were  captured, 
several  were  fined  or  imprisoned,  and  five  of 
the  most  obnoxious  banished.  New  York  ap- 
pealed to  Congress ;  and  that  body  passed  re- 
solutions of  censure  against  Vermont,  for  having 
exercised  authority  over  persons  who  professed 
allegiance  to  New  York.  Congress  directed 
restitution  to  be  made  to  those  who  had  been 
fined  and  banished,  and  that  they  should  be 
admitted  to  return  without  molestation.  Ef- 
fectual measures  were  threatened  to  enforce 
compliance — but  it  was  easier  to  threaten  than 
to  perform. 

The  governor  and  council  of  Vermont  imme- 
diately replied  to  these  resolutions  of  Con- 
gress in  a  spirited  remonstrance.  In  this 
document  Congress  was  reminded  of  its  en- 
gagements to  Vermont  still  unfulfilled,  and  the 
remonstrants  claimed  that  Vermont  had  as 
good  a  right  to  independence  as  Congress. 
They  asserted  that  Vermont  had  as  much  au- 
thority to  pass  resolutions  prescribing  measures 


1782.]        REMONSTRANCE   TO   CONGRESS.  217 

to  Congress,  as  that  body  had  to  interfere  be- 
•  tween  that  state  and  criminals  punished  in  due 
course  of  law.  The  remonstrants  asserted  that 
Congress  was  pursuing  the  same  measures  to- 
ward Vermont,  which  Britain  had  used  against 
the  American  colonies,  and  which  it  had  been 
judged  necessary  to  oppose  at  every  risk  and 
hazard :  That  such  proceedings  tended  to  make 
the  liberty  and  natural  rights  of  mankind  a 
mere  bubble,  and  the  sport  of  politicians:  That 
it  was  of  no  importance  to  America  to  pull 
down  arbitrary  power  in  one  form,  that  they 
might  establish  it  in  another :  That  the  in- 
habitants of  Vermont  had  lived  in  a  state  of. 
independence  from  the  first,  and  would  not 
submit  to  be  resolved  out  of  it  by  the  influ- 
ence which  New  York,  their  old  adversary, 
had  in  Congress  :  That  they  were  in  full  posses- 
sion of  freedom,  and  would  remain  independent, 
notwithstanding  all  the  power  and  artifice  of 
New  York :  That  they  had  no  controversy  with 
the  United  States,  considered  as  a  whole,  but 
were  at  all  times  ready  and  able  to  vindicate 
their  rights  and  liberties  against  the  usurpations 
of  the  state  of  New  York. 

The  changes  and  delays  of  Congress  were 
well  objected  to  in  the  remonstrance.  "  Con- 
gress has  been  so  mutable  in  their  resolutions 
respecting  Vermont  that  it  is  impossible  to 
know  on  what  ground  to  find  them,  or  what  they 
19 


HISTORY   OP   VERMONT.  [1783. 

design  next.  At  one  time  they  guarantee  te 
New  Hampshire  and  New  York  their  lands 
within  certain  described  limits,  leaving  a  place 
for  the  existence  of  Vermont ;  the  next  thing 
Vermont  hears  from  them  is,  they  are  within 
those  limits  controlling  the  internal  government 
of  the  state.  Again,  they  prescribe  prelimina- 
ries of  confederation,  and  when  these  are  com- 
plied with  on  the  part  of  the  state  they  unrea- 
sonably procrastinate  the  ratification."  Against 
the  measures  of  Congress  the  remonstrants 
declared  they  would  appeal  to  the  justice  of  his 
•excellency,  General  Washington.  They  recom- 
mended that  the  matter  should  be  left  to  the 
states  interested  rather  than  that  Congress  should 
•be  embroiled  with  it :  protested  against  a  de- 
cision upon  ex  parte  evidence,  and  renewed  their 
request  that  Congress  should  fulfil  its  conditional 
promise  of  admission,  now  become  absolute  by 
the  compliance  of  Vermont  with  their  terms. 
The  Vermont  assembly,  at  its  next  session  in 
February,  1783,  endorsed  the  action  of  the  go- 
vernor and  council.  Congress  took  no  further 
steps  in  the  business,  and  Vermont  was  left  un- 
disturbed, so  far  as  the  action  of  the  United 
States  was  .concerned.  The  assembly  went  an- 
nually through  the  form  of  electing  agents  to 
attend  to  the  formalities  of  admission,  whenever 
they  should  be  advised  that  Congress  was  pre- 
pared for  them.  The  internal  police  and 


1783.]          DISTURBANCES    IN   GUILFORD.  219 

of  the  state  were  conducted,  and  its  government 
administered,  as  if  Vermont  were  not  only  in- 
dependent, but  the  only  independent  state  in  the 
world. 

*"T!ie  disaffected  citizens  of  Vermont,  in  the 
interest  of  New  York,  commonly  called  "  York- 
ers," kept  up  their  resistance.  The  county  in 
which  the  Yorkers  were  most  numerous  was 
Windham,  and  Guilford  in  that  county  was  the 
head-quarters  of  the  opposition.  A  majority 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  town  was  then  the 
most  populous  in  the  state,  were  Yorkers ;  and 
they  annually  appointed  committees  "to  prevent 
the  constable  from  acting,"  or  "to  defend  the 
town  against  the  pretended  state  of  Vermont.'' 
To  ensure  a  majority,  the  Yorkers  frequently 
summoned  an  armed  force  from*  the  neighbour- 
ing towns  to  keep  the  "new  state"  voters  from 
the  polls.  In  Guilford  and  some  other  places  there 
were  separate  town  organizations.  Social  order 
was  at  an  end,  flagitious  handbills  stirred  up 
discord,  relatives  and  friends  were  arrayed 
against  each  other,  and  even  physicians  were 
not  allowed  to  visit  the  sick  without  passes  from 
the  several  committees.  Every  thing  was  in  a 
state  of  frightful  anarchy  and  confusion,  and  it 
became  imperiously  necessary  that  the  govern- 
ment should  enforce  its  laws  and  jurisdiction. 

In  the  summer  of  1783,  Colonel  Ethan  Allen 
was  directed  to  call  out  the  militia  to  suppress 


220  HISTORY   OP   VERMONT.  [1784- 

the  insurrection  and  disturbance  in  the  county 
of  Windham.  Proceeding  to  Guilford  with  an 
armed  posse  of  one  hundred  men,  he  issued  there 
the  following  characteristic  proclamation :  "  I, 
Ethan  Allen,  declare  that  unless  the  people  of 
Guilford  peaceably  submit  to  the  authority  of 
Vermont,  the  town  shall  be  made  as  desolate  as 
were  the  cities  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah."  The 
Yorkers,  in  defiance  of  this  proclamation,  firing 
upon  Allen  and  his  men,  were  pursued,  and  all 
captured  or  dispersed.  The  prisoners  were  put 
under  bonds  for  their  good  behaviour,  and  com- 
pelled to  furnish  supplies  and  quarters  for  their 
captors.  The  taxes  were  collected  under  martial 
law,  the  property  of  the  New  York  partisans 
being  summarily  seized  and  sold  for  the  benefit 
of  the  state.  Martial  law  in  the  hands  of  Ethan 
Allen  was  a  summary  process. 

During  the  following  winter  the  disturbances 
were  renewed.  Armed  parties  of  the  "Yorkers" 
resisted ;  but  after  some  wounds  and  bruises,  the 
forced  collection  of  taxes,  whipping,  fines,  and 
the  pillory,  the  malecontents  ceased  their  resist- 
ance, and  either  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
Vermont,  or  left  the  state.  Many  of  them  set- 
tled on  lands  in  New  York,  which  the  legislature 
of  that  state  had  granted  for  the  benefit  of  such 
sufferers.  From  this  period  all  armed  resist- 
ance to  Vermont  ceased;  and  although  New 
York  did  not  immediately  acknowledge  the  in- 


1784.]  DEATH   OF   SETH   WARNER.  221 

dependence  of  the  new  state,  she  suffered  her 
claims  to  remain  in  abeyance. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1784  died  Colonel 
Seth  Warner.  He  was  one  of  the  master  spirits 
among  "the  Green  Mountain  Boys,  and  the  first 
who  received  a  commission  from  the  United 
States.  He  was  very  active  and  useful  to  the 
cause,  an  intrepid  soldier  and  a  good  officer. 
Colonel  Warner  had  all  the  elements  of  success 
as  a  popular  leader.  In  person  he  was  com- 
manding, in  manners  winning,  and  in  exigencies 
prompt  and  active.  He  possessed  those  useful 
qualities  which  eminently  fit  a  man  for  back- 
woods life.  He  was  a  skilful  botanist,  ready 
with  simple  remedies  to  be  the  physician  ;ind 
surgeon,  as  well  as  the  commander  of  his  men. 
He  was  a  good  huntsman,  and  his  unerring  aim 
and  physical  hardihood  commanded  respect  where 
such  properties  were  indispensable.  He  was  in 
constant  service  during  the  war,  and  possessed 
in  a  high  degree  the  confidence  of  General 
Washington,  by  whom  he  was  employed  in  mony 
difficult  and  responsible  duties.  His  death,  in 
his  forty-second  year,  was  the  result  of  disease 
produced  by  the  fatigues  he  had  undergone.  A 
native  of  Connecticut,  he  returned  to  that  state 
to  die,  and  his  remains  were  consigned  to  the 
earth  in  Roxbury,  with  military  honours.  A 
widow  and  three  children  survived  him.  Like 
many  others  he  suffered  his  private  fortune  to 

19* 


222  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1783. 

diminish  while  engaged  in  the  service  of  his 
country  ;  and  although  some  relief  was  extended 
to  his  family  by  Congress,  his  pecuniary  rewards, 
as  in  many  other  cases,  bore  no  proportion  to 
his  public  services.  But  his  memory  is  embalm- 
ed in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 


CHAPTER  XV: 

Condition  of  Vermont  in  1783 — Continued  prosperity — Fede- 
ral constitution,  1788 — Adjustment  of  the  difficulty  with  New 
York,  1790 — The  close  of  the  Continental  Congress — The 
new  Congress  and  its  services — P/osperous  condition  of  the 
country — Population  of  Vermont  at  different  periods — Death 
of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen — Remarks  upon  his  character — 
Observations  of  Colonel  Graydon  respecting  him — His  per- 
sonal appearance  —  His  style  of  conversation  —  General 
Washington's  opinion  of  him — Colonel  Allen  as  a  man  of 
honour — His  rebuke  to  the  lawyer. 

THE  peace  with  Great  Britain,  in  1783,  found 
Vermont  in  a  very  enviable  position  in  some  re- 
spects as  compared  with  the  states  in  the  Ame- 
rican Union.  The  boundaries  of  the  new  state 
had  been  tacitly  defined  and  established,  and  the 
internal  government  was  now  proceeding  as 
quietly  and  with  as  much  benefit  and  advantage 
to  the  people  as  that  of  any  other  state  on  the 
continent.  The  laws  were  few,  simple,  and  well- 
administered.  Taxes  were  light,  and  the  salaries 


1783.]  PROSPERITY   OP   THE   STATE.  223 

of  state  officers  were  on    a  more   frugal   scale 
than  in   any  other   political  community  in  the 
world.     The  danger   of   invasion,  and   the  un-    /  / 
certainties  and  barbarities  of  war  having  ceased,  /  S 
the  Vermont  lands,  the  title  being  now  in   the/   f 
state  government,  were  rapidly  taken   up    and 
settled  by  emigrants  from  other  states.     From 
this  source  a  revenue  was  derived  which  tended 
still  further  to  abate  the  pecuniary  liabilities  of 
the  people  in  support  of  their  institutions.     The 
pastoral  and  happy  state  seemed  to  realize  the 
dreams  of  political  enthusiasts  of  a  perfect  com- 
monwealth;   and  the    backwoodsmen    who   had 
been    buffeted    by  their  more  advanced  neigh- 
bours, invited,  repulsed,  and   trifled  with,  now 
looked  with  a  sort  of  dignified  pity  on  the  fac- 
tions and  troubles  which  disturbed  the  Union. ' 
and    rejoiced   that   they  were   not   affected  by 
them. 

The  immense  debt — hopeless  of  liquidation  as 
it  then  appeared — which  had  been  contracted  in 
the  prosecution  of  the  War  of  Independence, 
did  not  affect  Vermont.  Politically  unrecog- 
nised", tKe"urgent  demands  of  Congress  upon  the 
states  to  furnish  their  quota,  Vermont  would  not 
hear  and  need  not  heed.  Her  own  troops,  raised 
to  defend  her  own  territory,  she  was  obliged  to 
pay;  but  the  finesse  and  policy  of  her  managers, 
which  postponed  invasion  by  diplomacy,  had  ren- 
dered but  a  small  army  necessary.  Under  such 


224  HISTORY    OF   VERMONT.  [1790. 

circumstances  we  may  well  imagine  that  the 
people  of  Vermont  had  ceased  to  feel  any  soli 
citude  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union.  There 
were  still  undecided  questions — particularly  as 
to  land  titles  and  jurisdictions;  but  a  quarter 
of  a  century  had  accustomed  them  to  this  incon- 
venience, and  the  pause  in  the  active  proceedings 
of  New  York  had  rendered  the  evils  more  theo- 
retical than  actual. 

Vermont  escaped  the  discussion,  in  many  of  the 
states  conducted  with  a  great  deal  of  acrimony, 
which  attended  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  con- 
stitution. No  doubt  her  leading  men  looked  on, 
and  her  people  debated  the  advantages  and  dis- 
advantages of  the  proposed  Federal  Union  under 
the  new  constitution,  but  it  was  as  spectators  and 
not  as  participants.  When,  by  the  Convention 
of  1787,  the  constitution  was  determined  upon, 
and  in  that  and  the  following  year,  eleven  states 
came  into  the  Union,  South  Carolina  following 
in  1789,  and  Rhode  Island  in  1790,  the  inha- 
bitants of  Vermont  perceived,  in  the  workings 
of  the  new  system,  the  promise  of  perpetuity 
and  the  prospect  of  relief  from  the  public  debt. 
They  discovered,  moreover,  that  the  Federal  go- 
vernment possessed  a  strength  which  contrasted 
favourably  with  the  inefficiency  of  the  old  Con- 
gress and  confederation,  and  were  now  again 
disposed  to  enter  the  Union. 

The  old  opponent  of  Vermont,  New  York,  was 


1790.]    NEW    YORK   DIFFICULTY   ADJUSTED.      225 

now  not  only  willing  but  anxious  that  Vermont 
should  come  into  the  confederacy.  The  position  of 
things  had  changed,  and  Vermont  with  her  two 
senators  could  do  New  York  and  the  northern  in- 
terest better  service  than  if  her  territory  were  an 
integral  part  of  any  other  state,  and  could,  there- 
fore, add  nothing  to  the  weight  of  the  Northern 
states  in  the  Senate.  The  question  of  jurisdic- 
tion, long  since  tacitly  relinquished,  was  now 
waived  altogether,  and  the  only  point  to  be  de- 
termined was  in  regard  to  the  conflicting  land- 
titles,  and  the  claims  of  those  adherents  of  New 
York  who  had  been  dispossessed  and  expelled 
from  Vermont.  Commissioners  were  appointed 
by  the  two  states,  who  met  and  defined  the 
boundary  as  claimed  by  Vermont,  and  agreed 
upon  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand  dollars,  to  be 
paid  by  Vermont  to  New  York  for  the  extin- 
guishment of  the  disputed  titles.  These  con- 
ditions, agreed  upon  by  the  commissioners,  were 
ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  the  two  states  in 
1790,  and  an  end  was  thus  put  to  a  controversy 
which  had  lasted  for  twenty-six*"y"eaTsT  In  re- 
viewing the  dispute,  though  we  are  compelled  to 
admit  that  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  did  many 
rude  and  lawless  acts,  we  cannot  but  admire  their 
sturdy  resistance.  They  certainly  were  the  op- 
pressed party  in  the  dispute;  and  the  wisdom  and 
courage  with  which  they  contended  against  su- 
perior power,  and  the  firm  adherence  which  they 


HISTORY    OP    VERMONT.  [1790. 

preserved,  under  their  ungracious  treatment,  to 
the  cause  of  freedom  and  their  common  country, 
are  deserving  of  high  praise.  Their  services 
were  most  important  in  bringing  the  struggle 
with  Great  Britain  to  a  successful  issue.  In 
defending  their  territory,  whether  by  arms  or  by 
artifice,  they  were  defending  the  confederacy, 
and  aiding  the  common  cause,  even  while  the 
treatment  which  they  received  from  the  Congress 
was  discourteous,  if  not  oppressive.  But,  as  we 
have  already  remarked,  it  is  rather  wonderful 
that  Congress  effected  so  much,  than  that  there 
should  have  been  some  cause  of  complaint ;  and 
it  is  only  by  closer  reading  than  the  common 
compendious  histories  of  the  Revolutionary  pe- 
riod furnish,  that  we  are  enabled  to  do  justice 
to  that  remarkable  body,  the  Continental  Con- 
gress. 

The  new  Congress  met  in  New  York,  in  1789, 
but  it  was  not  until  April  6th,  a  month  after  the 
time  appointed  for  assembling,  that  a  quorum  of 
members  of  the  two  houses  came  together.  Their 
first  duty  was  to  count  the  votes  for  president  and 
vice-president.  Washington  had  sixty-nine  votes, 
the  whole  number  cast.  By  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States,  as  at  first  adopted,  the  candi- 
date receiving  the  next  highest  number  was  de- 
clared vice-president.  John  Adams  received 
thirty-four  votes,  and  was  elected.  The  labours 
of  the  first  Congress  are  thus  summed  up  by 


I790.J          REVIEW   OP   NEW   CONGRESS.  227 

Hildretli,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States, 
and  a  better  review  of  their  proceedings  has 
not  been  given.  "It  was  a  body,  next  to  the 
convention  that  framed  the  constitution,  by  far 
the  most  illustrious  and  remarkable  in  our  post- 
revolutionary  annals.  On  coming  together,  the 
new  Congress  had  found  the  expiring  govern- 
ment of  the  confederation  without  revenue,  with- 
out credit,  without  authority,  influence,  or  re- 
spect, at  home  or  abroad ;  the  state  governments 
suffering  under  severe  pecuniary  embarrassments ; 
and  a  large  portion  of  the  individuals  who  com- 
posed the  nation  overwhelmed  by  private  debts. 
Commerce  and  industry,  without  protection  from 
foreign  competition,  and  suffering  under  all  the 
evils  of  a  depreciated  and  uncertain  currency, 
exposed  also  to  serious  embarrassments  from 
local  jealousies  and  rivalries,  were  but  slowly  and 
painfully  recovering  from  the  severe  dislocations 
to  which,  first,  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  and 
then  the  peace  had  subjected  them.  Even  the 
practicability  of  carrying  the  new  constitution  into 
effect,  at  least  without  making  the  remedy  worse 
than  the  disease,  was  seriously  doubted,  and 
stoutly  denied  by  a  powerful  party  having  many 
able  men  among  its  leaders,  and,  numerically  con- 
sidered, including  perhaps  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States. 

"  In  two  short  years  a  competent  revenue  had 
been  provided,  the  duties  imposed  to  produce  it 


HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1791. 

operating  also  to  give  to  American  producers  a 
preference  in  the  home  market,  and  to  secure  to 
American  shipping  a  like  preference  in  Ameri- 
can ports.  The  public  debt,  not  that  of  the 
confederation  only,  but  the  great  bulk  of  the 
state  debts,  had  been  funded,  and  the  interest 
provided  for,  the  public  credit  having  been  thus 
raised  from  the  lowest  degradation  to  a  most  re- 
spectable position.  The  very  funding  of  this 
debt,  and  the  consequent  steady  and  increasing 
value  thus  conferred  upon  it,  had  given  a  new 
character  to  the  currency,  composed  as  it  was, 
in  a  great  measure,  of  the  public  securities ; 
while  steps  had  been  taken  to  improve  it  still 
further  by  the  establishment  of  a  national  bank. 
A  national  judiciary  had  been  organized,  vested 
with  powers  to  guard  the  sanctity  of  contracts 
against  stop  laws,  tender  laws,  and  paper  money. 
The  practicability  and  efficiency  of  the  new 
system  had  been  as  fully  established  as  the 
experience  of  only  two  years  would  admit,  and 
the  nation  thereby  raised  to  a  respectable  posi- 
tion in  its  own  eyes,  and  in  those  of  foreign 
countries." 

Such  was  the  condition  of  things  when,  in 
1791,  Vermont,  without  a  dissenting  vote,  was 
admitted  into  the  Union.  The  little  state  came 
in  on  the  tenth  wave,  having  escaped  all  the 
eight  years  of  trouble  and  doubt  which  inter- 
vened between  the  proclamation  of  peace  and 


1791.]  ADMITTED    INTO   THE    UNION.  229 

the  adoption  of  the  Federal  constitution.  Her 
membership  of  the  confederacy  commenced  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1791.  The  first  senators  were 
Moses  Robinson  and  Stephen  R.  Bradley ;  repre- 
sentativesT^TatFaniel  NiTes  "arid"  Israel  Smith. 
Her  Congressional  delegates  from  that  time  to 
the  present  have  been  such  as  to  do  honour  to 
the  state  they  represented,  and  to  command  the 
respect  of  their  associates  in  Congress.  The 
number  of  representatives  to  which  Vermont  is 
entitled  by  the  present  appointment,  is  four. 
The  population  at  the  commencement  of  the 
Revolution  was  estimated  at  twenty  thousand, 
and  at  the  close  at  thirty  thousand.  The  succes- 
sive decennial  enumerations  of  the  inhabitants, 
from  the  date  of  the  admission  of  the  state  into 
the  Union,  are  as  follows:  1791,  85,416;  1800, 
154,465;  1810,  217,713;  1820,  235,764;  1830, 
280,652;  1840,281,948;  1850,314,120.  The 
ratio  of  increase,  very  large  at  the  beginning, 
has  become  much  reduced.  This  is  a  neceesary 
consequence  of  the  fact  that  the  state  contains 
an  agricultural  community;  and  of  course  its 
population  must  be  less  than  where  commerce 
and  manufactures  collect  large  bodies  of  inha- 
bitants in  a  limited  space. 

Colonel  Ethan  Allen  died  in  17794  having 
lived  to  witness  the  termination  of  the  contest 
with  New  York,  in  which  he  had  borne  so  large 
a  part  from  the  commencement  to  the  close.  At 

20 


HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1791. 

the  time  of  his  death  he  was  aged  only  fifty 
years,  and  many  of  his  eccentric  movements,  as 
leader  of  the  "Green  Mountain  Boys,"  may  be 
placed  to  the  account  of  youthful  extravagance. 
But  he  was  all  his  life  through  an  eccentric  man, 
quite  as  remarkable  for  his  peculiarities  as 
praiseworthy  for  his  services.  He  was,  unhap- 
pily, a  sceptic  in  religion,  and  had  an  un- 
fortunate habit  of  obtruding  his  opinions,  not 
only  in  conversation  but  by  printing  them.  So 
wild  were  some  of  his  fancies,  that  the  opinion 
has  been  maintained  by  many  who  had  opportu- 
nity for  judging,  that  his  peculiarities  were  as- 
sumed in  order  to  excite  remark.  He  had  the 
virtues  and  the  follies  which  would  naturally  be 
looked  for  from  the  circumstances  of  his  life. 
Colonel  Graydon,  who  was  his  fellow-prisoner  in 
New  York,  speaks  in  a  kind  and  impartial  man- 
ner of  him.  After  quoting  some  of  Allen's 
strangely  violent  language,  Graydon  says  : 

"  Should  this  language  seem  too  highly 
wrought,  it  should  be  remembered  that  few  hare 
ever  more  severely  felt  the  hand  of  arbitrary 
power  than  Allen,  and  that  he  had  but  recently 
emerged  from  the  provost  guard,  to  which,  for 
some  alleged  infringement  of  parole,  he  and 
Major  0.  H.  Williams,  a  very  gallant  and  dis- 
tinguished officer,  had  been  committed.  Allen 
had  been  brought  from  Halifax  to  New  York, 
and  was  admitted  to  parole  when  we  wore.  His 


1791.]   CHARACTER  OF  ETHAN  ALLEN.      231 

figure  was  that  of  a  robust,  large- framed  man. 
worn  down  by  confinement  and  hard  fare ;  but 
he  was  now  recovering  his  flesh  and  spirits,  and 
a  suit  of  blue  clothes,  with  a  gold-laced  hat  that 
had  been  presented  to  him  by  the  gentlemen  of 
Cork,  enabled  him  to  make  a  very  passable  ap- 
pearance for  a  rebel  colonel.  He  used  to  show 
a  fracture  in  one  of  his  teeth  occasioned  by  hi^ 
twisting  off  with  it,  in  a  fit  of  anger,  the  nail 
which  fastened  the  bar  of  his  hand- cuffs.  I  had 
become  well  acquainted  with  him,  and  have  more 
than  once  heard  him  relate  his  adventures  while 
a  prisoner  before  being  brought  to  New  York, 
exactly  corresponding  in  substance  and  language 
with  the  narrative  he  gave  the  public  in  1779. 
I  have  seldom  met  with  a  man  possessing  a 
stronger  mind,  or  whose  mode  of  expression  was 
more  vehement  and  oratorical.  His  style  wa"s  a 
singular  compound  of  local  barbarisms,  scriptural 
phrases,  and  oriental  wildness;  and  though  un- 
classic,  and  sometimes  ungrammatical,  it  waa 
highly  animated  and  forcible.  *  *  *  Not- 
withstanding that  Allen  might  have  had  some- 
thing of  the  insubordinate,  lawless,  frontier  spirit  \ 
in  his  composition,  having  been  in  a  state  of 
hostility  with  the  government  of  New  York  be- 
fore the  Revolution,  he  appeared  to  me  to  be  a 
man  of  generosity  and  honour,  several  instances 
of  which  occur  in  his  publication,  and  one,  not 
equivocal,  came  under  my  own  observation. 


HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1791. 

General  Washington,  speaking  of  him  in  an  of- 
ficial letter,  of  May  12th,  1788,  observes,  with 
a  just  discrimination,  that  there  was  an  original 
something  in  him  which  commanded  admiration." 
The  incident  referred  to  by  Colonel  Graydon 
is  the  following.  Certain  American  officers, 
prisoners  on  parole,  had  been  committed  tem- 
porarily to  close  confinement.  On  their  re- 
lease, without  the  exaction  of  a  new  parole, 
they  submitted  the  question  to  a  board  of 
officers  whether  they  would  not  be  justified  in 
going  away.  "I  forget,"  says  Graydon,  "who 
composed  the  board.  I  only  recollect  that  Colo- 
nel Ethan  Allen  was  one,  and  that  his  opinion 
was  that  of  a  man  of  honour,  and  a  sound 
casuist.  He  admitted  that  they  had  a  right  to 
escape  from  their  actual  confinement,  but  that 
now  the  case  was  altered ;  and  that,  although  no 
new  parole  had  been  given,  yet  the  obligation 
of  the  former  one  should  be  considered  as  re- 
turning on  their  enlargement,  and  that  they  were 
under  the  same  restraint,  in  point  of  honour, 
that  they  had  been  before  their  commitment  to 
the  provost.  This  was  also  the  opinion  of  the 
board,  and  unanimously  approved,  as  well  by  the 
gentlemen  immediately  interested  as  by  others. 
I  have  mentioned  this  circumstance  principally  to 
show  that  Allen,  however  turbulent  a  citizen 
under  the  old  regime,  was  not  the  vulgar  ruffian 
that  the  New  York  royalists  represented  him." 


1791.]  ALLEN   AND   THE   LAWYER.  233 

We  may  add  another  anecdote  illustrative  of 
Allen's  sense  of  honour.  A  suit  had  been  com- 
menced against  him  on  a  note  of  hand.  Allen 
employed  a  lawyer  to  procure  a  postponement  of 
the  judgment.  The  lawyer,  as  the  easiest 
method  to  procure  delay,  denied  his  client's  sig- 
nature, that  the  difficulty  of  proving  it  might 
make  the  other  party  consent  to  a  postponement. 
"Sir,"  shouted  Allen,  who  happened  to  be  in 
court,  and  came  striding  forward  in  a  great 
passion — "  Sir,  I  did  not  employ  you  to  come 
here  and  lie  !  The  note  is  good,  the  signature 
is  mine!  I  only  want  time."  The  court  and 
spectators  were  much  amused  at  the  quaint  pro- 
ceeding, and  the  plaintiff  at  once  consented  to  a 
continuance. 

Perfection  is  not  to  be  looked  for  in  humanity. 
But  while  we  admire  the  virtues  of  those  who 
have  been  distinguished  benefactors  of  their 
country,  we  must  not  take  license  from  their  ad- 
mitted good  qualities  to  imitate  their  faults  and 
follies.  The  troublous  times  which  bring  out 
strong  men  in  a  good  point  of  view,  give  occa- 
sion also  to  irregularities,  which  in  a  quiet  and 
peaceful  era  would  not  be  tolerated.  War  is  no 
school  of  the  virtues ;  and  we  must  weigh  well 
the  circumstances  with  which  a  man  is  surrounded, 
before  we  make  up  an  opinion  on  his  character. 

20* 


234  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1791. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Vermont  from  1791  to  1814 — Reservation  of  lands  for  religious 
and  educational  purposes — Foundation  of  Vermont  school 
fund — University  of  Vermont— Donation  from  the  state — 
Endowment  by  individual  subscription — Liberality  of  Ira 
Allen — College  buildings  and  library — Middlebury  and  Nor- 
wich colleges — Medical  schools — Academies  and  common 
schools — Care  of  the  early  settlers  for  the  education  of  their 
children — Its  practical  direction — Remarks  of  Dr.  Williams 
— Ira  Allen — Notices  of  his  life — His  History  of  Vermont 
— Governor  Chittenden's  quiet  policy — Election  of  Governor 
Tichenor — Introduction  of  gubernatorial  messages  and  re- 
plies by  the  legislature — Decided  Federal  majority — The 
Democrats  elect  their  governor  in  1807 — Tichenor  re-elected 
in  1808 — The  Democrats  again  successful  in  1809 — Their 
candidate,  re-elected  for  five  years — Party  excitement  in- 
creases— Declaration  of  war  with  Great  Britain — Strong 
measures  of  the  Democratic  majority — Political  revolution — 
Displacement  of  the  Democrats — •Election  of  Martin  Chit- 
tenden — Repeal  of  the  Democratic  war  measures — Capitula- 
tion of  Hull — Destruction  of  stores  at  Plattsburg — Abortive 
attempt  to  invade  Canada — Governor  Chittenden  recalls  the 
Vermont  militia — Battle  of  Lake  Erie — Chippewa  and 
Lundy's  Lane — Battle  of  Plattsburg — Defeat  and  death  of 
Captain  Dovvnie,  and  retreat  of  Sir  George  Prevost. 

AMONG  the  excellent  provisions  of  the  Ver- 
mont constitution  was  one  requiring  public 
schools  to  be  maintained  in  every  town  at  the 
public  expense.  In  every  township  grant  made 
by  the  state  of  Vermont,  one  right  was  reserved 
for  town,  and  one  for  county  schools.  In  the 


1794.]  PROVISION   FOR   EDUCATION.  235 

grants  made  by  Benning  Wentworth,  governor 
of  New  Hampshire,  three  rights  were  reserved, 
one  for  the  Venerable  Society  for  Propagating 
the  Gospel,  an  English  missionary  association, 
one  for  a  glebe  for  the  Episcopal  clergy,  and 
one  for  the  first  settled  clergyman,  of  whatever 
denomination  he  might  be,  as  his  private  pro- 
perty, the  design  being  to  encourage  the  settle- 
ment of  clergymen.  By  an  act  of  the  Vermont 
legislature,  in  1794,  the  right  of  the  Venerable 
Society,  that  body  never  having  improved  their 
grants,  was  applied  to  school  purposes.  From  the 
proceeds  of  the  school  lands,  and  the  lands  added 
by  the  legislature  as  above  mentioned,  originated 
the  Vermont  school  fund,  which  now  amounts  to 
between  two  and  three  hundred  thousand  dollars* 
The  state  of  Vermont  also  reserved  two  rights 
in  her  grants  of  townships  for  the  support  of  the 
clergy,  one  for  a  parsonage,  the  other  as  a  pre- 
sent to  the  first  clergyman. 

In  addition  to  the  common  school  provision, 
the  people  of  Vermont,  immediately  after  their 
admission  into  the  Union,  made  provision  for  a 
university.  The  University  of  Vermont,  at 
Burlington,  was  chartered  in  1791,  and  went  into 
operation  in  1800.  It  had  a  donation  of  land 
from  the  state,  amounting  to  fifty  thousand  acres, 
and  was  endowed  by  private  subscription  to  the 
amount  of  $33,333.  Nearly  one-half  of  this 
sum  was  contributed  by  Ira  Allen.  The  original 


HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1794 

college  building,  a  large  structure  completed  in 
1801,  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1824,  and  finer 
buildings  have  been  erected  in  its  place.  It 
has  seven  instructors  and  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  students,  and  a  library  of  about  ten  thou- 
sand volumes.  The  rental  from  its  leased  lands 
amounts  to  about  $3,000  annually.  Middlebury 
College,  founded  in  1800,  is  situated  in  the  town 
from  which  it  takes  its  name.  It  has  the  same 
number  of  professors  as  the  University,  a  library 
of  eight  thousand  volumes,  and  three  college 
edifices.  About  one-third  of  its  graduates  have 
been  clergymen.  The  Norwich  College,  char- 
tered in  1834,  makes  the  third  large  institution 
for  education  in  the  state.  This  is  also  a  flour- 
ishing institution.  It  grew  out  of  Captain 
Partridge's  school,  originally  established  in  1820. 
Its  professorships  are  the  same  in  number  as  the 
others,  and  it  has  the  peculiarity  of  establishing 
no  term  for  its  collegiate  course,  the  candidates 
for  degrees  being  examined  as  to  their  qualifica- 
tions. Besides  these  institutions  there  are  in 
Vermont  two  medical  schools,  one  at  Castleton 
and  one  at  Woodstock.  The  average  attendance 
at  these  five  institutions  is  about  five  hundred. 
There  are  fifty  academies  in  the  state,  and  about 
twenty-five  hundred  common  schools. 

From  these  statements  it  will  appear  that  the 
•wise  forethought  of  the  early  settlers  of  Vermont 
has  been  well  exhibited  in  its  results.  Dr.  Wil- 


1794.]  REMARKS    OF   DR.  WILLIAMS.  237 

Hams,  writing  in  1794,  "while  these  educational 
advantages  were  as  jet  in  the  future,  thus  speaks 
of  the  character  of  the  people,  and  their  care  of 
their  children.  "  Among  the  customs  which  are 
universal  among  the  people  in  all  parts  of  the 
state,  one  that  seems  worthy  of  remark  is  the  at- 
tention that  is  paid  to  the  education  of  children. 
The  aim  of  the  parent  is  not  so  much  to  have 
his  children  acquainted  with  the  liberal  arts  and 
sciences,  hut  to  have  them  all  taught  to  read  , 
with  ease  "and  propriety,  to  write  a  plain  and 
legible  hand,  and  to  have  them  acquainted  with 
the  rules  of  arithmetic  so  far  as  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  carry  on  any  of  the  most  common  and 
useful  occupations  of  life.  All  the  children  are 
trained  up  to  this  kind  of  knowledge.  They 
are  accustomed  from  their  earliest  years  to  read 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  the  periodical  publications, 
newspapers,  and  political  pamphlets ;  to  form 
some  general  acquaintance  with  the  laws  of  their 
country,  the  proceedings  of  the  courts  of  justice, 
of  the  general  assembly  of  the  state,  and  of 
Congress.  Such  a  kind  of  education  is  common 
and  universal  in  every  part  of  the  state.  And 
nothing  would  be  more  dishonourable  to  the  pa- 
rents OF  to  the  children  than  to  be  without  it. 
One  of  the  first  things  the  new  settlers  attend  to 
is  to  procure  a  schoolmaster  to  instruct  their 
children  in  the  arts  of  reading,  writing,  and 
aritlimetic.  And  where  they  are  not  able  to 


208  HISTORY   OP   VERMONT.  [1794. 

procure  an  instructor,  the  parents  attend  to  it 
themselves.  No  greater  misfortune  could  attend 
a  child  than  to  arrive  at  manhood  unable  to  read, 
write,  and  keep  small  accounts.  He  is  viewed  as 
unfit  for  the  common  business  of  the  towns  and 
plantations,  and  in  a  state  greatly  inferior  to  his 
neighbours.  Every  consideration  joins  to  pre- 
vent so  degraded  and  mortifying  a  state,  by 
giving  to  every  one  the  customary  education  and 
advantages.  This  custom  was  derived  from  the 
people  of  New  England,  and  it  has  acquired 
greater  force  in  the  new  settlements,  where  the 
people  are  apprehensive  their  children  will  have 
less  advantages,  and,  of  course,  not  appear  equal 
to  the  children  in  the  older  towns." 

We  have  mentioned  Ira  Allen  as  one  of  the 
most  munificent  benefactors  of  the  Vermont 
University.  This  gentleman,  the  youngest  of  a 
family  of  eight,  was  the  brother  of  the  famous 
Ethan  Allen,  and,  though  less  celebrated  in  ro- 
mantic legends,  was  a  most  active  and  useful 
citizen.  He  was,  with  his  brothers,  among  the 
earliest  explorers  of  the  territory  of  Vermont, 
and  by  judicious  purchase  became  wealthy,  when 
the  lands  which  he  had  selected  acquired  value 
by  the  growth  of  the  state.  He  was  a  distin- 
guished actor  in  the  events  of  the  Revolution,  as 
has  already  been  recorded  in  these  pages,  and 
was  connected  with  the  affairs  of  the  public 
through  his  life.  He  filled  the  offices  of  trea- 


1797.]  POLICY   OF   CHITTENDEN.  239 

surer,  member  of  the  council,  and  major-general 
of  the  militia ;  and  in  the  latter  capacity  had  a 
trial,  like  his  brother,  of  foreign  imprisonment. 
Having  purchased  arms  in  England,  in  1795,  for 
the  use  of  the  state  of  Vermont,  he  was  cap- 
tured on  his  return,  by  a  British  vessel,  and 
carried  to  England  on  a  charge  of  supplying  the 
Irish7~who  were  then  in  rebellion,  with  arms. 
After  a  litigation  of  eight  years  he  obtained  a 
verdict  for  damages,  and  returned  to  America. , 
He  wrote  an  historical  memoir  of  Vermont,  which, 
without  quite  the  extravagance  of  his  brother's 
style,  has  still  some  of  its  peculiarities.  Other 
brothers  of  this  family  have  been  also  prominent 
in  the  affairs  of  the  state.  Ira  Allen  died  in 
Philadelphia,  in  1814,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of 
his  age. 

The  affairs  of  the  state  of  Vermont,  from  her 
admission  into  the  Union  to  the  death  of  Chit- 
tendcn,  in  1797,  ran  on  in  their  quiet  and  even 
tenor.  Governor  Chittenden  remained  in  office 
from  1778  to  1797,  with  the  exception  of  one 
year.  He  was  a  man  of  moderate  views  in  party 
politics  as  the  line  became  drawn  between  the 
Federalist  and  Democratic  parties,  but  inclined 
in  his  opinions  to  the  latter  or  opposition  side. 
But  he  sent  no  messages  to  the  legislature  at 
their  annual  assembly  ;  and  during  the  whole 
term  which  he  held  the  office  preserved  the  sim- 
plicity which  had  marked  the  commencement  of 


240  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1812. 

his  administration.  His  successor,  Isaac  Tiche- 
nor,  elected  by  the  legislature  in  1797,  (the  people 
failing  to  elect,)  introduced  into  Vermont  the 
custom  of  the  other  states,  and  opened  the  le- 
gislature with  a  message,  which  was  decided  in 
its  tone  of  approval  of  the  administration  of  the 
elder  Adams,  then  president,  and,  of  course,  dis- 
tinctly placed  the  governor,  and  the  large  ma- 
jority of  the  legislature  which  supported  him,  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Federal  party.  Mr.  Tichenor 
continued  in  office  until  1807,  when  the  demo- 
cratic party  succeeded  in  electing  their  candi- 
date, Israel  Smith,  but  Governor  Tichenor  was 
again  elected  in  1808.  In  1809  the  Democrats 
again  succeeded,  and  their  candidate,  Jonas 
Galusha,  was  re-elected  annually,  until  1813. 

The  proceedings  of  the  legislature  of  Vermont 
were  usually  despatched  in  three  to  five  weeks, 
and  still  remain  shorter  than  those  of  the  other 
states  in  the  Union.  There  is  less  of  private  or 
special  legislation  ;  and  the  code  of  laws  is  brief 
yet  comprehensive.  But  for  the  election  of 
judges  and  other  civil  officers,  which  is  part  of 
the  duty  of  the  Vermont  legislature,  there  would 
be  scarce  an  opportunity  for  excitement;  and 
even  on  this  subject  there  is  not  much,  as  the 
emoluments  of  office  are  not  such  as  to  tempt 
cupidity.  The  annual  message,  introduced  by 
Governor  Tichenor,  and  the  reply  which  it  was 
the  early  custom  of  the  assembly  to  make,  were, 


1812.]  PATRIOTIC    RESOLUTION  241 

in  the  early  days  of  the  state,  sometimes  the 
occasion  of  some  heat.  This  custom  was  dis- 
continued in  1816.  At  the  end  of  one  of  these 
stormy  debates  a  member  gravely  proposed  a  re- 
solution, seriously  recommending  that  the  governor 
should  not  thereafter  make  a  formal  address.  The 
resolution  was  not  carried,  but  had  its  effect  in 
making  some  succeeding  gubernatorial  addresses 
less  political  and  more  practical.  Addresses  to 
the  president  of  the  United  States  were  another 
theme  of  dispute.  One  was  voted  to  the  elder 
Adams,  two  to  Jefferson,  and  one  to  Monroe. 

The  declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain 
found  the  Democratic  or  war  party  in  the  as- 
cendent in  the  Vermont  legislature,  with  a  go- 
vernor, Jonas  Galusha,  of  the  same  political 
opinions.  In  his  annual  message,  Governor  Ga- 
lusha urged  the  assembly  to  second  the  measures 
of  the  general  government  and  the  assembly  re- 
sponded in  the  same  spirit.  A  resolution  was 
passed  in  the  following  strong  language.  "  We 
pledge  ourselves  to  each  other  and  to  our  go- 
vernment, that  with  our  individual  exertions,  our 
example  and  influence,  we  will  support  our  go- 
vernment and  country  in  the  present  contest,  and 
rely  upon  the  great  Arbiter  of  events  for  a  fa- 
vourable result."  The  vote  upon  this  resolution 
was  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  to  seventy- 
nine;  and  in  the  same  spirit,  the  minority  pro- 
testing, the  legislature  proceeded  to  enact  some 
21 


HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1812. 

strong  laws  in  aid  of  the  general  cause.  Inter- 
course between  the  people  of  the  state  and  Ca- 
nada was  forbidden  under  a  penalty  of  $1,000,  and 
seven  years  imprisonment.  A  stringent  draft- 
ing law  was  passed,  thirty  dollars  bounty  was 
offered  to  volunteers,  and  the  pay  of  the  Ver- 
mont militia  in  the  service  of  the  United  States 
was  doubled  by  as  much  more  from  the  state  as 
was  paid  by  the  United  States.  The  person  and 
property  of  soldiers  was  exempted  from  attach- 
ment while  they  were  in  service.  To  meet  the 
presumed  expenses  of  these  measures,  an  addi- 
tional tax  of  one  per  cent,  was  levied. 

While  these  measures  were  very  effective  in 
bringing  a  force  into  the  field,  they  operated  in 
another  direction  in  quite  as  efficient  a  manner. 
At  the  election  in  1813  the  majority  of  the  as- 
sembly was  precisely  reversed.  The  actual  bur- 
den of  taxation — more  tangible  than  mere  words 
and  resolves — produced  such  an  overturn  as  put 
the  Democrats  in  the  protesting  ranks.  There 
was  no  choice  of  governor  by  the  people.  Mar- 
tin Chittenden,  the  Federal  candidate,  was  elected 
after  several  trials,  by  a  small  majority.  The 
governor's  speech,  and  the  answer  to  it,  were  in 
strong  condemnation  of  the  war  and  the  measures 
of  the  government.  Seventy-five  democratic 
members  of  the  legislature  "  protested,"  and 
their  protest  was  entered  on  the  journal.  The 
Democratic  officers  were  removed,  and  the  laws 


1812.]  CAPITULATION   OF   HULL.  243 

above  mentioned  as  passed  during  the  preceding 
session  were  repealed.  Party  spirit  reached  its 
climax  of  bitterness  and  anger.  Opprobrious 
names  were  applied,  social  relations  were  inter- 
rupted, and  it  seemed  almost  as  if  civil  war  was 
impending. 

While  these  party  evolutions  were  performing 
in  Vermont,  war  had  already  commenced  with 
Great  Britain — and  most  disastrously.  Detroit, 
with  a  large  portion  of  the  American  territory 
in  the  then  "North-west,"  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  British,  in  August,  1812,  by  the  capitulation 
of  General  Hull ;  and  perhaps  this  event,  which 
was  appealed  to  by  those  opposed  to  the  war,  as 
an  illustration  of  the  folly  of  it,  had  no  small 
influence  in  defeating  the  war  party  in  Vermont, 
and  the  events  of  1812  and  1813  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain  had  not  a  much  better  moral  effect.  Two 
armed  American  sloops,  the  Eagle  and  the 
Growler,  in  the  pursuit  of  some  British  gun- 
boats, fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  June 
2d,  1812.  One  of  them,  the  Eagle,  sunk  within 
musket-shot  of  the  Canadian  shore,  and  the 
other,  the  Growler,  being  prevented  from  retreat- 
ing by  a  strong  southerly  wind,  was  compelled 
to  strike.  A  hundred  prisoners  were,  in  this 
affair,  taken  by  the  British.  On  the  30th  of 
July  these  American  sloops,  in  the  charge  of 
their  new  masters,  paid  a  visit  to  Plattsburg, 
where  they  destroyed  some  military  stores,  esti- 


244  HISTORY    OF    VERMONT.  [1812- 

mated  to  be  worth  about  $25,000.  They  also 
captured  some  small  trading  vessels,  and  de- 
stroyed other  property.  These  indications  of 
an  intention  to  make  Lake  Champlain  the  scene 
of  military  operations,  turned  the  attention  of 
the  United  States'  government  to  that  quarter. 
A  naval  force  was  equipped,  mounting  forty- 
eight  guns,  which  was  in  the  following  year 
doubled.  But  no  naval  operations  took  place 
upon  the  lake  during  this  season — the  British, 
overawed  by  a  superior  force,  declining  an  en- 
gagement. The  winter  was  employed,  on  both 
sides,  in  building  and  refitting  naval  armaments, 
which  were  during  the  next  year  to  furnish  one 
of  the  most  spirited  pages  in  the  history  of  naval 
warfare. 

The  northern  army  of  the  United  States,  under 
command  of  General  Hampton,  made  unsuccess- 
ful attempts  to  enter  Canada  by  two  different 
routes,  but  retired  into  winter  quarters  at  Platts- 
burg  without  having  effected  any  thing,  except 
to  discover  that  to  force  their  way  into  Canada, 
in  this  direction,  would  be  an  enterprise  costing 
more  in  blood  and  treasure  than  any  advantage 
of  success  would  compensate  for.  The  most 
curious  result  of  the  campaign  was  the  surprise 
and  capture  of  one  hundred  and  one  British 
soldiers,  by  one  hundred  and  two  Americans,  at 
St.  Amand's.  Great  excitement  grew  <>ut  of  an 
act  of  Governor  Chittenden's.  A  brigade  of 


1812.]       BATTLE  OF  LAKE  ERIE.       245 

Vermont  militia  had  been  detailed  by  the  prede- 
cessor of  Governor  Chittenden  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States.  This  brigade  Governor 
Chittenden  recalled  by  proclamation,  denying  the 
legality  of  such  a  draft,  except  to  execute  the 
laws  of  the  Union,  to  suppress  insurrection,  or 
to  repel  invasion.  Neither  of  these  three 
emergencies  existed  in  the  present  case.  The, 
officers  of  the  brigade  refused  obedience,  and 
made  a  written  protest  against  the  proclamation. 
But  as  it  was  issued  within  a  few  days  of  the 
time  when  the  militia  were  entitled  to  their  dis- 
charge, and  ^ifter  the  army  had  retired  to  winter 
quarters,  the  difficulty  was  adjusted  by  the  dis- 
charge of  the  militia. 

But  while  little  of  moment  had  occurred  on 
Lake  Champlain,  Lake  Erie  had  been  the  scene 
of  the  brilliant  victory  of  Capt.  Perry,  and  the 
command  of  the  lake  was  now,  and  remained 
during  the  war  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 
The  British  made  no  serious  efforts  to  recover 
their  ascendency.  Michigan,  lost  by  the  sur- 
render of  Hull,  was  restored  to  the  United 
States,  and  the  northern  frontier  was  relieved 
of  the  dangers  with  which  Hull's  disaster  had 
seemed  to  threaten  it.  The  territorial  govern- 
ment of  Michigan  was  reorganized.  The  vessels 
captured  by  Perry  were  used  as  transports,  and 
General  Harrison's  troops  were  conveyed  to  the 
Canada  side.  Pursuing  Procter,  the  English 
21* 


246  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1814. 

general,  who  had  twice  invaded  Ohio,  the  battle  of 
the  Thames  restored  the  confidence  of  the  Ame- 
rican forces.  Procter  lost  all  his  .ammunition 
and  baggage,  and  narrowly  escaped  himself. 
The  American  force  returned  triumphant,  but 
without  any  attempt  at  a  permanent  occupation 
of  Canada. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1814,  the  old  war-path 
on  Lake  Champlain  began  to  resume  its  interest. 
General  Wilkinson  added  the  testimony  of  his 
experi-ence  to  the  fact  that  no  successful  inva- 
ison  could  be  attempted  from  either  side  of  the 
Canada  line  upon  the  other.  Advancing  with 
four  thousand  men  along  the  west  side  of  Lake 
Champlain,  he  attempted  to  enter  Canada, 
but  was  repulsed  at  the  British  outposts,  and 
returned  to  Plattsburg.  In  July  of  the  same 
year  General  Brown  invaded  Canada  from  Buf- 
falo, and  the  battles  of  Chippewa  and  Lundy's 
Lane,  while  they  exhibited  the  bravery  of  the 
American  forces,  again  demonstrated  that  the 
permanent  occupation  of  any  part  of  Canada 
by  the  United  States  troops  was  an  impossi- 
bility. The  burning  of  towns  and  villages  on 
either  frontier,  and  the  most  barbarous  exhi- 
bitions of  partizan  anger,  were  the  aspects  in 
which  Avar  was  usually  presented  between  Ca- 
nada and  the  Northern  states.  From  the  pre- 
vious intercourse  and  neighbourhood  attach- 
ments of  the  parties,  hostilities  had  all  the  bad 


1814.]  ADVANCE   ON    PLATTSBURG.  247 

characteristics  of  civil  war — the  most  inhuman 
description  of  warfare. 

A  ship,  a  schooner,  a  brig,  and  several  gun- 
boats were  built  under  the  superintendence  of 
Capjain  McDonough,  during  the  winter  and 
spring  of  1814.  They  were  constructed  on  the 
borders  of  Otter  Creek,  and  the  operations  of 
the  campaign  were  opened  by  an  effort  of  the 
enemy  to  destroy  the  flotilla  while  yet  incom- 
plete. The  invading  force  was,  however,  repuls- 
ed by  the  batteries  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek, 
and. by  the  Vermont  militia,  and  returned  with- 
out effecting  any  thing.  Nothing  of  moment 
occurred  until  the  month  of  September,  when 
the  British  naval  and  land  forces  made  an  ad- 
vance upon  Plattsburg.  The  fort  was  garrisoned 
by  General  Macomb,  with  a  force  of  about 
fifteen  hundred  effective  men.  The  flotilla  of 
Captain  McDonough  carried  eighty-six  guns,  and 
was  manned  by  eight  hundred  and  twenty  men. 
Sir  George  Prevost,  the  English  commander-in- 
chief,  had  a  force  of  twelve  thousand,  and  the 
English  flotilla,  commanded  by  Captain  Downie, 
carried  ninety-six  guns,  and  was  manned  by  one 
thousand  and  fifty  men.  The  American  fleet 
chose  a  position,  and  waited  at  anchor  for  the 
approach  of  the  enemy.  On  the  morning  of  the 
llth  of  September,  the  British  fleet  entered  the 
harbour  of  Plattsburg  in  the  full  confidence  of 
victory. 


248  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1814, 

Great  efforts  had  been  made,  and  with  good 
success,  to  reinforce  General  Macomb  in  his  po- 
sition at  Plattsburg.  Expresses  had  been  sent 
into  Vermont,  and  Governor  Chittenden  called 
earnestly  upon  the  people  to  volunteer  for  the 
defence  of  Plattsburg.  The  fort  was  in  full 
view  of  the  fleet,  and  the  soldiers  waited  in  a 
fever  of  impatience  for  the  double  assault,  by 
land  and  by  water.  General  Prevost  moved 
slowly  to  the  attack,  apparently  waiting  for  the 
commencement  of  the  naval  action  as  the  signal 
for  the  land  assault. 

The  two  larger  vessels  of  the  American  flo- 
tilla, were  the  Saratoga,  twenty-six  guns,  and 
the  Eagle,  twenty.  The  Eagle  opened  the  en- 
gagement. In  his  Naval  History,  Cooper  gives 
a  very  interesting  anecdote  respecting  the  com- 
mencement of  the  engagement.  A  few  minutes 
passed  in  the  solemn  and  silent  expectation  that, 
in  a  disciplined  ship,  always  precedes  a  battle. 
Suddenly  the  Eagle  discharged,  in  quick  succes- 
sion, four  guns  in  broadside.  In  clearing  the 
decks  of  the  Saratoga  some  hen-coops  were 
thrown  overboard,  and  the  poultry  had  been  per- 
mitted to  run  at  large.  Startled  by  the  reports 
of  the  guns,  a  young  cock  flew  upon  a  gun-slide, 
clapped  his  wings  and  crowed.  At  this  animat- 
ing sound  the  men  spontaneously  gave  three 
cheers.  This  little  occurrence  relieved  the 
breathing  time  between  preparation  and  the 


1814.]      BATTLE  OF  PLATTSBURG.       249 

combat,  and  it  had  a  powerful  influence  upon  the 
known  tendencies  of  the  seamen.  Still  Captain 
McDonough  did  not  give  the  order  to  commence, 
for  it  was  apparent  that  the  fire  of  the  Eagle, 
which  vessel  still  continued  to  engage,  was  use- 
less. As  soon,  however,  as  it  was  seen  that  her 
shot  told,  Captain  McDonough  himself  sighted 
one  of  the  Saratoga's  long  twenty-fours,  and  the 
gun  was  fired.  This  shot  is  said  to  have  struck 
the  Confiance  near  the  outer  hawsehole,  and  to 
have  passed  the  length  of  her  deck,  killing  and 
wounding  several  men,  and  carrying  away  the 
steering  wheel. 

The  English  vessels  came  up  in  gallant  style, 
and  anchored  in  the  face  of  this  cannonade. 
The  Confiance  carried  thirty-seven  guns,  thirty- 
one  of  which  were  long  twenty-fours,  and  she 
had  been  built  in  defiance  of  any  force  which 
could  be  opposed  to  her.  Could  this  vessel  once 
get  the  desired  position,  it  was  considered  that 
she  would  decide  the  fate  of  the  day.  But  she 
was  handled  too  roughly  in  coming  up;  andwlien 
at  last  she  came  to  anchor,  it  was  at  an  unfavour- 
able distance  from  the  American  line.  Her  first 
broadside  told  terribly  on  the  Saratoga.  Forty 
men  were  killed  and  wounded  by  this  single  dis- 
charge. 

The  engagement  now  became  general,  and 
after  an  action  of  about  three  hours,  not  an 
English  flag  fl  rated  in  the  bay — all  were  lowered. 


250  HISTORY   OF    VERMONT.  [1814 

The  Confianee,  terribly  crippled,  and  the  com- 
mander of  the  flotilla  killed,  being  the  first  to 
strike.  The  smaller  vessels  followed  the  ex- 
ample; but,  by  a  curious  accident,  related  by 
Cooper,  the  British  galleys  escaped.  They  were 
drifting  with  their  flags  down,  ready  to  be  taken 
possession  of  as  prizes,  when  an  accidental  dis- 
charge of  a  gun  on  board  the  Confianee  was  mis- 
taken for  a  signal,  and  the  English  galleys  made  off 
slowly  and  irregularly,  as  if  distrusting  their  own 
liberty.  There  was  not  a  vessel  among  the 
larger  ones  whose  masts  would  bear  a  sail, 
and  the  men  from  the  American  galleys  were 
wanted  at  the  pumps  of  the  prizes  to  keep  them 
afloat.  No  accurate  report  of  the  killed  and 
wounded  has  been  obtained.  The  British  loss 
must  have  exceeded  two  hundred  and  fifty  killed 
and  wounded,  and  among  the  former  were  Cap- 
tain Downie  and  three  lieutenants.  The  Ame- 
rican loss  was  one  hundred  and  ten  killed  and 
wounded,  and  among  the  former  were  lieutenants 
Gamble  and  Stansbury. 

Sir  George  Prevost,  who  had  hardly  com- 
menced the  action  on  shore  when  the  fate  of  the 
fleet  was  decided,  made  a  most  unmilitary  and 
precipitate  retreat,  leaving  all  his  baggage  and 
military  stores,  and  losing  in  killed,  wounded,  pri- 
soners and  deserters,  over  twenty-five  hundred 
men.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  the  land  en- 
gagement did  not  exceed  one  hundred  and  fifty. 


1814.]     CHITTENDEN  RE-ELECTED.       251 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Reelection  of  Governor  Chittenden — His  annual  address — 
Vermont  refuses  to  send  delegates  to  the  Hartford  Conven- 
tion— The  victors  of  Plattsburg  complimented  for  their  ser- 
vices— Grant  of  land  to  McDom  ugh — Treaty  of  Ghent — 
Review  of  the  war — Honesty  of  the  war  and  peace  parties 
— Statistics  of  Vermont — Population,  agriculture,  manufac- 
tures— Cotton,  wool,  and  iron — The  lumber  business — Mis- 
cellaneous statistics — Inland  navigation — Railroads — Banks 
— Benevolent  institutions — State  income  and  expenditure — 
Religious  denominations — Closing  remarks. 

WITH  the  victory  of  Plattsburg,  the  war,  so 
far  as  Vermont  was  concerned,  was  at  an  end. 
The  Vermont  volunteer  soldiery  had  highly  dis- 
tinguished themselves  by  the  alacrity  with  which 
they  responded  to  the  call  of  their  country,  for- 
getful of  all  party  differences.  Governor  Chifc- 
tenden,  who  was  re-elected  by  the  legislature,  by 
a  majority  of  twenty-nine  votes,  in  his  annual 
address,  paid  a  high  compliment  to  the  soldiers 
who  had  repulsed  the  enemy.  He  said  they  had 
taught  them  the  "  mortifying  lesson  that  the  soil 
of  freedom  will  not  bear  the  tread  of  hostile  feet 
with  impunity,"  and  he  pronounced  their  achieve- 
ments "unsurpassed  in  the  records  of  naval 
and  military  warfare."  But  he  manfully  ad- 
hered to  his  opinion  of  the  war,  and  declared 


252  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1814. 

that  he  "  conscientiously  disapproved  of  it  as 
unnecessary,  unwise,  and  hopeless  in  all  its  of- 
fensive operations."  In  the  same  address  he 
adverted  to  the  complaints  which  had  been  made 
that  he  did  not  order  out  the  militia  for  the  de- 
fence of  Plattsburg,  instead  of  calling  for 
volunteers.  He  said  that  as  no  portion  of  the 
militia  of  Vermont  had  been  detached  by  the 
president,  the  call  upon  them  as  volunteers  was 
the  only  mode  in  which  efficient  and  timely  aid 
could  be  afforded.  The  house  returned  a  digni- 
fied and  respectful  answer,  avoiding  such  topics 
as  would  have  elicited  debate.  Indeed,  the  pres- 
sure from  without,  and  the  actual  invasion  of  the 
country,  seemed  to  have  calmed  the  angry  waters 
of  strife. 

An  invitation  from  Massachusetts  to  send  de- 
legates to  the  Hartford  Convention,  was  unani- 
mously declined  by  the  same  legislature  which 
had  elected  a  Federal  governor.  And  this  Fe- 
deral governor,  it  should  be  noticed,  was  a  man 
of  character  and  decided  opinions.  In  Congress 
he  had  distinguished  himself  as  the  opponent  of 
the  embargo  ;  and  as  governor,  during  his  first 
term,  he  issued  the  proclamation  mentioned  in 
the  last  chapter,  for  which  there  was  a  proposi- 
tion made  in  Congress  to  instruct  the  attorney- 
general  to  impeach  him.  The  Massachusetts 
legislature  supported  him  in  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions. The  legislature  <>f  Pennsylvania  denounced 


1814.]  PEACE   NEGOTIATED.  253 

him,  and  the  legislature  of  New  Jersey  charac- 
terized him  as  a  "maniac  governor."  Little 
Vermont  has  had  the  fortune  to  make  a  sensa- 
tion in  the  confederacy  altogether  greater  than 
her  importance  in  regard  to  population  and 
wealth.  But  her  sturdy  independence  has  done 
good  service  in  vindicating  the  rights  of  small 
states  to  be  respected,  and  in  practically  defend- 
ing that  wise  theory  of  the  Union,  which  bases 
the  privileges  of  the  commonwealths  in  the 
Union,  not  on  their  power,  but  on  their  rights. 

At  this  session  of  the  legislature,  resolutions 
were  passed  highly  complimentary  to  General 
Macomb,  to  Captain  McDonough,  and  their  of- 
ficers and  men,  and  to  General  Strong  and  the 
Vermont  volunteers.  To  Captain  McDonough, 
the  legislature  presented  a  farm  on  Cumberland 
Head,  in  sight  of  the  scene  of  his  victory.  Other 
compliments  and  gifts  were  made  him  by  Con- 
gress, and  different  states  and  towns. 

In  December,  1814,  the  plenipotentiaries  of 
the  respective  nations  signed  a  treaty  of  ^icace 
at  •  Ghent,  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain.  In  reviewing  the  events  of  the 
war,  so  far  as  they  have  entered  into  the  history 
of  Vermont,  or  have  been  necessary  to  illustrate 
our  narrative,  we  have  endeavoured  to  be  im- 
partial. In  the  Revolutionary  War  there  was 
but  one  American  party.  Whoever  opposed  that 
war  befriended  the  claims  of  a  foreign  power. 


HISTORY   OP  VERMONT.  [1815. 

But  in  the  last  war  there  could  be  an  honest 
difference  of  opinion  without  prejudice  to  the 
patriotism  of  the  holders.  In  the  heat  of  party 
excitement  it  was  natural  to  charge,  and  even  to 
suspect  improper  motives.  But  as  time  gives  us 
more  impartial  views,  and  removes  the  exaspera- 
tion of  party  feeling,  we  must  concede  to  the 
opponents,  as  well  as  to  the  friends  of  the  war, 
true  patriotism.  And  we  must  concede  also  that 
many  of  the  selfish  and  designing  had  no  higher 
object  than  their  own  advantage  in  opposition 
or  in  defence  of  the  measure.  We  should  trem- 
ble for  the  republic  if,  in  this  century,  the  people 
should  be  found  unanimously  in  favour  of  war 
with  any  people,  or  under  any  circumstances. 
At  this  distance  of  time  we  can  perceive  that  so 
far  as  any  war  can  be  conducive  to  the  advan- 
tage of  a  nation,  this  war  was  to  the  United 
States  in  some  important  particulars.  But  we 
are  free  from  the  losses,  the  sufferings,  and  the 
perils  which  entered  into  the  estimate  of  con- 
temporaries ;  and  we,  too,  in  a  time  of  peace,  can 
condemn  all  war  as  unchristian  and  unnecessary 
without  being  suspected  of  treachery  to  our 
country.  Could  not  those  who  honestly  held  the 
same  opinion  then,  hold  it  without  a  treacherous 
wish  or  purpose  ? 

At  the  election  in  1815,  it  was  found  that  the 
democratic  party  was  again  in  the  ascendency. 
And  as  party  spirit  died  away  with  the  removal 


1850.]   AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES.      255 

of  causes  of  excitement,  the  words  Federalist 
and  Democrat  ceased  to  be  a  rallying  cry,  or  to 
be  applied  as  terms  of  opprobrium.  It  would  be 
neither  profitable  nor  interesting  to  follow  all  the 
party  contests  which  have  taken  their  rise  from 
temporary  or  local  causes,  or  the  preference  of 
the  people  for  particular  men.  Suffice  it  of  the 
noble  and  patriotic  state  of  Vermont  to  say, 
that  she  has  ever  shown  herself  practically  re- 
publican. 

We  have  stated  the  increase  of  population  in 
a  preceding  chapter,  the  present  population  ,pf 
the  state  being  314,120.  A  few  statistics  of 
agricultural  and  other  productions,  will  exhibit 
what  this  population  is  capable  of  effecting. 
The  number  of  acres  of  land  under  cultivation, 
in  1850,  was  2,322,923  ;  value  of  farming  imple- 
ments and  machinery,  $2,774,959 ;  of  live 
stock,  $11,292,748;  of  home-made  manufac- 
tures, $261,589.  The  number  of  bushels  of 
wheat  raised,  was  493,666;  of  Indian  corn, 
1,625,776.  The  number  of  pounds  of  wool 
produced  was  3,492,087  ;  of  butter,  12,128,095; 
of  cheese,  6,755,006  ;  of  maple  sugar,  5,159,641 ; 
tons  of  hay,  763,579.  The  cotton  manufacture 
of  the  state  is  carried  on  by  nine  establishments, 
in  which  a  capital  of  $202,500  is  invested.  The 
annual  value  of  all  raw  material  is  $114,115; 
of  products,  $196,100  ;  operatives,  250 ;  month- 
ly wages,  $3,321.  In  the  woollen  manufacture 


256  HISTOKT   OF  VERMONT.  [1850. 

there  is  a  capital  of  $886, 300,  invested  in 
seventy-two  establishments,  using  in  a  year 
raw  material  to  the  amount  of  $830,684,  and 
producing  an  annual  value  of  $1,579,161.  The 
number  of  operatives  is  1493,  receiving  month- 
ly wages  amounting  to  $25,100.  The  capital 
invested  in  iron  works  in  1850,  was  $325,920; 
raw  material,  $206,972 ;  value  of  products, 
$692,817.  These  statistics  do  not  include,  of 
course,  all  the  products  of  the  industry  of  the 
people ;  nor  is  it  possible,  by  the  most  careful 
estimates  and  inquiries,  to  obtain  any  thing 
more  than  an  approximation  to  the  whole  pro- 
ductions of  the  state.  Besides  the  great  staples 
of  agriculture  mentioned  above,  the  smaller 
ones  are  produced  in  abundance,  although  the 
state  is  better  adapted  to  grazing  than  to 
grain. 

The  lumber  business  annually  produces  about 
$400,000,  and  about  seven  hundred  tons  of 
pot  and  pearl  ashes ;  its  orchard  products  are 
$200,000  ;  poultry,  $200,000 ;  hats,  caps,  and 
bonnets,  $70,000;  bricks  and  lime,  $300,000; 
marble  and  granite,  $70,000.  The  chief  supply  of 
black  marble  used  in  the  United  States  comes 
from  the  quarries  on  Lake  Champlain ;  and  some 
beautiful  varieties  of  dove-coloured,  white  and 
clouded  marbles  are  found  in  Vermont.  Vessels 
for  lake  and  river  navigation  are  annually  built, 
to  the  value  of  about  $80,000,  and  these  are 


1850.]  RAILROADS. 

employed  in  the  trade  of  the  state  with  New 
York  and  Canada  on  Lake  Champlain,  and  the 
rivers  and  canals  with  which  the  waters  of  that 
lake  are  connected.  And  we  may  here  observe 
that  this  important  avenue  to  the  interior  of  the 
country,  which  has  during  two  wars  been  the 
path  of  foreign  invasion,  is  now  guarded  by 
fortifications  which  can  easily  be  made  impreg- 
nable. Rouse's  Point,  near  the  Canadian  line, 
has  fortifications  which  cannot  be  passed  by 
water.  At  the  close  of  the  last  war  the  United 
States  government  caused  this  point  to  be  forti- 
fied, but  the  awkward  discovery  was  made  that 
the  point  was  not  within  the  United  States 
boundary,  and  the  work  was  therefore  abandon- 
ed. By  the  treaty  of  Washington,  negotiated 
in  1842,  by  Mr.  Webster  and  Lord  Ashburton, 
Rouse's  Point  was  obtained  for  the  United 
States,  thus  securing  the  key  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain  ;  and  the  state  of  Vermont  obtained  also 
about  sixty-one  thousand  acres  which  would 
have  been  left,  by  the  true  parallel  of  45°,  on  the 
Canada  side  of  the  line. 

Vermont  has  her  share  of  railroads,  which 
intersect  the  state  in  all  desirable  and  profita- 
ble directions,  in  length  over  four  hundred 
miles.  Less  accidents  have  occurred  upon  them 
than  on  any  other  roads  in  the  United  States, 
Her  banking  capital  is  about  a  million  and  a 
half.  She  has  a  state  institution  for  the  in- 

22* 


258  HISTORY   OF   VERMONT.  [1850. 

sane,  and  other  public  buildings,  on  a  scale 
commensurate  with  her  wants,  and  adapted  to 
modern  views  of  philanthropy.  She  has  no  town 
with  a  population  exceeding  five  thousand,  ana 
thus  escapes  the  difficulties  in  enforcing  whole- 
some general  laws — a  disadvantage  which  large 
cities  impose  as  a  counterpoise  to  their  bene- 
fits. Her  annual  state  income  is  about  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  ;  and  her  expenses  fal1 
BO  far  short  of  this,  that  although  she  has  had 
temporary  debts  for  specific  purposes  they  were 
soon  extinguished. 

The  preponderating  religious  denominations 
are  the  Congregationalists,  Baptists,  and  Me- 
thodists. Next  to  these  come  the  Episcopa- 
lians. The  smaller  denominations  are  also  re- 
presented, and  the  regard  paid  to  the  Sabbath 
and  to  religious  instructions  and  institutions  is 
general  and  evident  in  the  character  of  the 
people.  Printing  presses,  periodicals,  daily, 
semi-weekly,  weekly,  and  monthly,  abound  in 
the  true  New  England  proportion ;  and  books, 
with  the  Vermont  imprint,  chiefly  Bibles,  his- 
torical works,  and  other  standards,  are  found 
throughout  New  England. 

Montpelier  has  been  for  nearly  half  a  cen- 
tury the  capital  of  the  state — the  legislature  in 
its  first  years  being  migratory.  The  State  House 
is  a  beautiful  building,  in  a  mixed  style  of 
Grecian  architecture,  and,  with  the  other  public 


1850.]  CLOSING   REMARKS.  259 

buildings,  is  worthy  of  the  state.  The  State 
House  has,  as  trophies,  the  four  cannon  cap- 
tured by  Stark  in  the  Battle  of  Bennington. 
These  cannon  tell  the  story  of  two  wars.  They 
were  lost  by  Hull  at  the  surrender  of  Detroit, 
recaptured  by  the  Americans  at  the  taking  of 
Fort  George,  and  remained  many  years  un- 
claimed and  forgotten  by  Vermont,  in  the 
arsenal  at  Washington.  There  they  were  ob- 
served, with  their  inscription,  by  Hon.  Henry 
Stevens  ;  and,  at  his  request,  restored  by  Con- 
gress to  the  gallant  state,  on  the  soil  where 
they  were  captured.  Another  memorial  of  her 
services  and  sufferings  in  the  wars  of  the  Union 
is  found  in  her  military  pension  list,  which,  even 
as  late  as  1840,  numbered  1,320  out  of  291.948 
inhabitants,  a  proportion  greatly  diminished  from 
the  earlier  pension  roll. 

Such  are  some  of  the  facts  in  the  history 
and  statistics  of  Vermont.  We  have  given 
without  partiality  the  narrative  of  her  progress, 
from  the  early  days  when  resistance  to  wrong 
exposed  her  rude  patriots  to  error,  down  to 
her  present  quiet  and  orderly  condition.  The 
services  she  has  rendered  to  the  Union  as  a 
frontier  state,  entitle  her  to  our  highest  grati- 
tude ;  for  while  in  war  she  was  distinguished 
in  arms,  in  peace  she  has  proved  herself  equal 
to  the  maintenance  of  a  delicate  and  trouble- 
some position.  She  sheltered  the  fugitives 


260  HISTORY  OF   VERMONT.  [1850. 

during  the  Canadian  rebellion  without  com 
promising  the  country ;  and  her  people  followed 
the  natural  sympathies  of  republicans,  without 
doing  violence  to  her  duty,  as  one  of  the  United 
States,  to  a  friendly  government.  The  stranger 
from  Europe,  who  enters  the  United  States  at 
the  great  commercial  sea-ports,  with  their  half 
foreign  aspects,  has  not  the  advantages  of  ob- 
servation which  those  possess,  who  find  the  Genius 
of  America  "  at  home"  in  Vermont,  as  soon  as 
they  cross  her  threshhold.  And  through  this 
entrance  the  American  may  proudly  welcome 
those  who  come  hither  seeking  a  home,  or  de- 
siring to  see  the  wonderful  political  and  social 
experiment  of  the  nineteenth  century — a  govern- 
ment strong  without  antique  precedents — sup- 
ported by  citizens  of  distinct  state  sovereignties, 
with  great  local  diversities  of  character  and 
pursuits,  yet  moving  harmoniously  together  by 
a  common  vigorous  impulse  to  maintain  the  na- 
tional honour  and  the  integrity  of  the  Federal 
compact. 


THE  END. 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last 
date  stamped  below. 

REED  LD-URU 


PR121988' 
JUN  1 2  198Z 


REMINGTON  RAND  INC.  20 


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